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ABOUT THIS SITE http://www.syriacstudies.com/AFSS/Syriac_Books_in_English/Syriac_Books_in_English.html The American Foundation for Syriac Studies works to distribute works of historical and cultural importance in the subject of Syriac. The Foundation is also committed to regular publications and lectures to bring knowledge on this extremely important subject. Please feel free to browse our website. iWeb 3.0.3 http://www.syriacstudies.com/AFSS/Syriac_Books_in_English/Syriac_Books_in_English_files/palimp3.jpg ABOUT THIS SITE http://www.syriacstudies.com/AFSS/Syriac_Books_in_English/Syriac_Books_in_English.html SYRIAN DIOCESES Ignatius Aphram Barsoum I, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East Translated and with an Introduction by Dr. Matti Moosa http://www.syriacstudies.com/AFSS/Syriac_Books_in_English/Entries/2011/8/5_SYRIAN_DIOCESES_Ignatius_Aphram_Barsoum_I,_Patriarch_of_Antioch_and_All_the_East_Translated_and_with_an_Introduction_by_Dr._Matti_Moosa.html d6bef78e-2170-4bcd-8291-787d4cd5dd12 Fri, 5 Aug 2011 14:05:54 -0400 - Translator’s Introduction - Select History of the Syrian Dioceses Patrairch Ignatius Jirjis II. Patriarch Ignatius Ishaq Ignatius Shukr Allah, Patriarch of Antioch Ignatius Jirjis III, Patriarch of Antioch Patriarch Ignatius Jirjis IV of Antioch (1768-1781) - A Shining Page of the History of the Diocese of Diyarbakr (Amid) - Bishops of the City of Harran - The Prominent Syrian Philosopher Mar Yaqub (Jacob) of Edessa 633-708) - The Syrian School of Edessa - The Theological School of Alexandria (180-400 A.D.) - The Theological School of Antioch, 290-430. - The Impact of Eastern Churches on Culture Outstanding Syrians -Mar Severus Jacob of Bartulli, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta and Azerbayjan (d. 1241) - Mar Gregorius Yusuf IV, the Gurji (Georgian), Metropolitan of Jerusalem (1510-1537 - The Churches of Edessa - St. Marutha of Takrit Maphrian of Takrit and all the East (629-649) - Rev. Daniel of Mardin Syrian Philosopher and Confessor of the Fourteenth Century - On the Fact that God is One in Essence and Three Attributes - A’yan al-Suryan (Syrian Notable Men) The Great Leader Butrus (Peter), son of Yusuf of Homs (480 A.D.) The Rasafi Family The Ayar Family The Family of Tell Mahre Ibrahim, Son of Yeshu’, Governor of Takrit in the Middle of the 7th Century The Gomya Family (685-804) The Leader Marutha, son of Habib of Takrit The Ishaquni Family The Scribe ‘Ali Ibn al-Khammar of Baghdad (977) Deacon Theodore, son of Marcus of Takrit (1046) The Tayyib Family of Takrit (about 1120-1273) The Notables of Amid The Chief Syrian Physician Abu ‘Ali (1169) The Shumanna Family of Takrit (1129-1170) Iliyya (Elijah) of Edessa and Saliba of the Kemash Family The Physician Shim’un (Simon) of Kharput (1207) The Family of Tuma of Baghdad (1143-1277) The Physician ‘Isa of Edessa (1245) The Family of Tuma al-Sharqi (1050-1292) - (Lum’a fi Tarikh al-Umma al-Suryaniyya fi al-Iraq) A Glimpse of the History of the Syrian Nation in Iraq The Churches of Takrit The Churches of Mosul The Churches of Nineveh (The Mosul Province) The Churches of Baghdad Its Monasteries Its Schools Its Learned Men Its Physicians Its Notables - The Monastery of Mar Matta - The Life-Story of Yuhanna (John) Bar Aphtonia (d.538) -Was Ibn al-Ibri (Bar Hebraeus) of Jewish Descent? - Famous Syrians - The Syrian Philosopher al-Shaykh Yahya Ibn ‘Adi (d. 974) - Under the Shadow of the Jasmine, or At the Monastery of Qinneshrin - Men of Godliness and Action - Mar Yuhanna (John) Metropolitan of Mardin (1125-1165) - Document of the late Patriarch ‘Abd Allah Issued to the Shamsis, dated 1832 of the Greeks/1521 A.D. - The weak Ignatius Patriarch of Antioch, Basilius, Maphryono of the East, and Philoxenus, Metropolitan of Amid - Dawud (David) of Homs, also Known as the Phoenician - Patriarch Athanasius Bar Subay’ of al-Nabk ( An Intruding Patriarch - Ignatius Yaqub (Jacob) I ( 1512-1517) - Basilius Sulayman, maphryono of the East (1509-1518) - Mar Dionysius I, Tell Mahre, as Patriarch of Antioch in 818 A. D. *** Translator’s Introduction In this book, Patriarch Aphram Barsoum treats various historical topics pertaining to the Syrian Church. It includes lengthy biographies of Syrian learned men like John of Aphtonya, Jacob of Edessa, Severus Jacob of Bartulli, Gregorius Yusuf I, the Gurji, and others. Some of these biographies he later abridged and included in his book al-Lulu al-Manthur. He also discusses in details other topics known to few readers, like the Bishops of the City of Harran, Syrian Notables, History of the Syrian Nation of Iraq, and Gifted Syrians Who Excelled in Classical Arabic. The chief subject of the book, however, is the history of Syrian dioceses. It is a pericope of a comprehensive two-volume manuscript the author began working on in the 1920s. To the best of my knowledge, after his death in 1957, the two volumes fell into the hands of the late Bishop Gregorius Bulus Behnam; at his death in 1969, they passed into the hands of Barsoum’s nephew, but what happened to them after that is unknown. Fortunately, Patriarch Barsoum had published portions of their contents in the magazines al-Hikma and al-Majalla al Patriarchiyya; the present book offers modern readers a translation of these works into English. The history of Syrian dioceses covers the period from the time of Patriarch Ignatius Jirjis II (1687-1708) to Gregorius Anton, Metropolitan of Gargar (1768-1774). It treats the lives and activities of several patriarchs, maphryonos, and metropolitans and their dioceses. It portrays the hardships these Fathers of the Syrian Church faced in the administration of their dioceses in Syria, Iraq, and lower Turkey (Tur ‘Abdin). At a time when the Ottoman state was suffering under total corruption, ignorance, and mismanagement, these Fathers steered the course of their dioceses with spiritual zeal and sagacity. Outstanding among them was Maphryono Basilius Shim’un II of Tur ‘Abdin (1710-1740), a prominent learned man who authored several spiritual books but suffered humiliation and death at the hands of Kurdish chiefs. Amazingly, the Syrian Church survived the brutal treatment of the Kurds and Turks and the machinations of the Latin (Roman Catholic) clerics who split it in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and created the Syrian Catholic denomination. Although the history of Syrian dioceses consists largely of biographical material, yet it contains invaluable historical information about the Syrian Church and its management. Two major themes stand out in this history: the secession of a schismatic group into what came to be known as the Syrian Catholic Church, and the effort by the Syrian patriarchs to firmly maintain their authority and faith in Malabar in southern India. The bishops who led their dioceses to split from the church and follow Rome did so aided by the power of France and bribery. The schism not only weakened the Syrian Church but also cost it enormous amounts of money which it could ill afford. In Malabar the Syrian delegates had to face the machinations of the Roman Catholic clergy, the Nestorians, and the clergy of the Church of England, who tried to win the Syrian Church in that remote country to their fold. Yet despite the anomalous conditions of the Ottoman state, their own lack of financial resources, and the activity of some recalcitrant clergy of the Malabar Church who intended to usurp ecclesiastical power illegally, the Syrian Fathers, as Patriarch Barsoum has shown, stood firm in defending the orthodox faith and church traditions. The vicissitudes of the journey of one of these Fathers, the Maphryono Basilius Shukr Allah of Aleppo, which took him almost two years (1750-1752) from Aleppo to Cochin, and the incredible hardships he faced on that journey and in Malabar, stand as living proof of his vitality and determination to defend the faith. The saddest part of the history of the Syrian Dioceses is that, despite its spiritual zeal and determination, this church began to shrink even more in the period covered by this study. The Syrian Church and congregations in Bedlis and Sijistan exist no more. Gone also are the churches and dioceses of Zakho, Duhuk, and Summail in northern Iraq. Moreover, many monasteries and congregations disappeared because of Ottoman and Kurdish persecution. Patriarch Barsoum should be commended for compiling this history. Without his indefatigable effort and scholarly persistence, this history would have been lost to us. Dr. Matti Moosa Select History of the Syrian Dioceses Patrairch Ignatius Jirjis II. Ignatius Jirjis was ordained a patriarch on April 23, 1678, and passed away on June 5, 1708, being sixty years old. The period of his patriarchate was twenty-one years and forty-two days. Patriarch Jirjis was the son of ‘Abd al-Karim, who belonged to a family which produced for the church many notable priests and high ranking clerics. Among these were his uncle the priest‘Abd al-Jalil of the Tahira Church (Virgin Mary) in Mosul, Iraq, who was still living in 1658. Other clergy members of the family included his cousin the priest ‘Abd al-Azali of Mar Tuma (St. Thomas) Church in Mosul (1694-1703), and his brother the priest Rizq Allah, son of ‘Abd al-Karim, who was known for piety; the patriarch’s nephew, the Chorepiscopus Matta, and his son Cyril Rizq Allah, bishop of Mosul (1760-1772); the grandson of the patriarch’s uncle, Ignatius Jirjis IV, Patriarch of Antioch (1768-1781); and his nephews (the sons of his sister), Patriarch Isaac (1709-1724), Basilius Matta II, Maphryono of the East (1713-1727), the priest Yaqub (Jacob, 1728) and Jacob’s son, Basilius Li’azar (Lazarus) IV, Maphryono of the East (1730-1759). Patriarch Jirjis II was born in the city of Mosul in 1648. As an adult, he desired the monastic life and became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Matta the ascetic. At the monastery he devoted himself to spiritual devotion and learning. He was ordained a priest in 1669 and set a good example for his brethren monks. In 1677, he was ordained a bishop for Jazirat ibn ‘Umar, known as Jazirat Qardu, by his spiritual head and guide Mar Basilius Yalda, Maphryono of the East, and assumed the name Dioscorus at his ordination. When the See of the Maphrianate became vacant after Maphryono Yalda left his position to journey to Malabar, India, to preach the Gosepl, Jirjis was ordained a maphryono by the Patriarch of Antioch, Abd al-Masih I, in 1684, and assumed the name of Basilius at his ordination. Upon the death of Patriarch Abd al-Masih I, Maphryono Basilius Jirjis was unanimously chosen to succeed him as patriarch because of his spiritual zeal, which distinguished him from his brethren bishops. His elevation to the throne of the Apostolic See took place at the Church of Arba’in (the Forty Martyrs) in Mardin on April 23, 1687. He obtained the sultan’s decree confirming him in his new position. Patriarch Jirjis spent twenty-one years defending the orthodox faith and protecting the interests of the holy church. [ It should be noted that throughout this monograph, by the orthodox faith the author means the faith of the Syrian Church, which rejected the formula of the Council of Chalcedon in 451. Chalcedon maintained that the two natures of Christ, the divine and the human, were united in one person in the Incarnation, but still separate from each other. The Syrian Church rejected this formula of faith and maintained that, in the Incarnation, the two natures of Christ were united ineffably in One Nature, not to be separated. In other words, this church believes that Jesus Christ was eternal God before he was born of Mary, eternal God when Mary conceived him, and eternal God when she gave birth to him. It insists that by his Incarnation, this eternal God became flesh; he was no longer two, God and man separately, but One Christ united in One Nature, with the properties of both the divine and the human. Following this reasoning, the Syrian Church maintains that separating the natures of Christ after their unity means that there were two Christs, one human, the other divine, which is sheer blasphemy It is most unfortunate that the Roman Catholic and Greek Churches to this day label those who rejected the Council of Chalcedon as “Monophysites”, that is, those who maintain that the human nature of Christ was absorbed by his divine nature to form only One Nature – the divine. Hence is the erroneous label of “Monophysitism.” Furthermore, by “holy church” the author means the Syrian Orthodox Church.Tr.] His activities in this regard are quite commendable. In the course of his patriarchate, he dismissed those who challenged the lawful leadership of the church or violated its holy canons. More than once, he retrieved the Church of the Lady (Virgin Mary) in Aleppo which was usurped by the schismatics [Syrian Catholics], who seceded from the Orthodox Church. He rebuilt the Za’faran Monastery, which was the Seat of Patriarchs, after it had been ruined and deserted since 1699. He renovated the three churches of Mardin, the churches of al-Ruha (Edessa) and the Jazira, and the churches of Mosul. He built two new churches in the cities of Hisn Mansur (Ademan) and Zakho, and took great care of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem. Patriarch Jirjis suffered the persecution of enemies with patience until he won eternal glory, departing this life on the Friday of Gold, June 5, 1708, being sixty years old. Thirty-nine of these years were spent in the service of the Lord. He was buried at the Za’faran Monastery. After his death the Apostolic See remained vacant for eight months and three days. Patriarch Jirjis (may God rest his soul in peace) was handsome and of pleasant and melodious voice. He was known for his devotion. He was also endowed with an elegant Syriac handwriting. Twice he consecrated the Holy Chrism, in Aleppo in 1691, and at the Za’faran Monastery in 1699. He ordained the following twenty metropolitans and bishops. 1) Basilius Ishaq (Isaac), Maphryono of the East. He was Severus Ishaq, son of the Maqdisi ‘Azar of Mosul, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta. Prior to becoming patriarch, he was ordained a Maphryono of the East by Patriarch Jirjis II, with the approval of the synod of metropolitans which met in the middle of April, 1687. He assumed the name of Basilius at his ordination. Basilius assisted the patriarch in ministering to the church throughout his patriarchal term. In 1709, he succeeded Patriarch Jirjis in his office. His biography shall follow later. 2) Dioscorus Saliba, bishop of the Jazira (1691-1714) Dioscorus Saliba was born in Jazirat ibn ‘Umar. He was ordained a bishop for the Jazira by Patriarch Jirjis II, who called him Dioscorus at his ordination. His ordination took place at the Church of the Sayyida (Virgin Mary), in Aleppo in March, 1691, and not in 1692, as has been mentioned in The Order of Ordinations. He administered his diocese until 1691, and was then transferred to the diocese of Ma’dan, whose seat was at the Monastery of Mar Gurgis. We came upon a volume composed by him on the Order of Ordinations in the churches of Hisn Kifa, Man’ar and others. He was still living in 1714. He most likely passed away shortly afterwards. 3) Gregorius Yaqub, metropolitan of Gargar (1692-1712). Gregorius’s native city was Gargar or Jarjar. He became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Abhai, well known as the Monastery of Ladders, on the bank of the Euphrates river. Because of his excellent traits, Patriarch Jurjis ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Gargar around 1692 and called him Gregorius. He was beloved by and dear to the patriarch, who confided in him for his virtue and zeal. He appointed him his deputy when he was absent from office traveling. In 1702, in the absence of the maphryono, the patriarch dispatched Gregorius to Mosul on some errand. At Mosul he ordained several deacons for the Tahira (Virgin Mary) Church. In 1704, Gregorius renovated the Church of Mar Behnam in the Jazira. In 1708, when the patriarch fell sick and passed away, Gregorius attended his funeral at the Za’faran Monastery. In the following year, he attended the synod which elected Patriarch Ishaq, and became the patriarch’s deputy when he journeyed to Mosul. We came upon some of his activities up to 1712, in which he passed away with commendable reward. 4) Gregorius Shim’un (Simon), metropolitan of Jerusalem (1693-1719). Shim’un was born in the village of Salah in Tur ‘Abdin and became a monk at the Monastery of Malphono Mar Yaqub in the neighborhood of the Za’faran Monastery. Later, he joined the pupils of the Patriarchal Office. Upon the death of Gregorius Shim’un II, son of Abd al-Masih of Qusur, metropolitan of Jerusalem on April 6, 1692, Patriarch Jurjis ordained him a metropolitan at the Church of Mar Hananya in the Za’faran Monastery in 1693 and called him Gregorius Shim’un. He was the third man to be called by this name. Sometimes he visited the dioceses to collect alms in order to help his monastery pay the tribute. [This tribute was exacted either by the Ottoman government or by its walis (governors) in Mardin.Tr.] Among these was the diocese of Mosul, which he visited in 1697. At times, circumstances required him to stay in the Za’faran Monastery, the Patriarchal Seat, and administer the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem through its monks, as his deputies. In 1718, he was accompanied on his journey to Jerusalem by Dionysius Shukr Allah, metropolitan of Aleppo, who assisted him in disposing of the monasteries’ interests. He passed away in 1719, having served the episcopate for twenty-six years. 5) Severus Ibrahim, metropolitan of Edessa (1694-1698). Severus Ibrahim was born in Edessa and became a priest-monk at a neighboring monastery. When the Episcopal Seat of Edessa became vacant with the death of Metropolitan Severus Habib of Edessa in 1694, Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a metropolitan for Edessa and called him Severus. He was mentioned in the roster of patriarchs appended to the Chronicle of Michael Rabo. [This roster was compiled by late Syrians which we found in the Garshuni (Arabic written in Syriac letters) manuscripts of Sadad and the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem, from which we made our own copy.] He was also mentioned in some manuscripts of that time. Most likely the span of his service was short, and he passed away in 1698. 6) Cyril Bishara, bishop of the Monastery of Mar Julian and Hama (1695-1721). Cyril was the son of Bishara, son of al-‘Ashari, son of Hraim, son of Dabak [ See our handwritten tractates and the Hama manuscripts, quire 42 , of an ancient notable family of Sadad which had many branches. Today it is known by the name of ‘Assaf, one of its ancestors. Bishara was born in Sadad in the district of Homs, where he acquired church learning and was ordained a priest. Upon becoming a widower, he was enticed by ambition to capture the episcopate illegally. He was ordained a bishop by a trouble-making bishop called Behnam of Hbob, who resided at the Monastery of Mar Musa the Abyssinian. When Behnam was condemned and fled to Abyssinia, Bishara realized that he had made a mistake. He journeyed to see Patriarch Jirjis, offering his repentance. After he fulfilled the rules of penance, the patriarch ordained him a lawful bishop for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Julian and Hama around 1695, and called him Cyril. Bishara resided in Sadad, but in 1700 moved to the small monastery of Mar Mama the martyr, no longer existing. Around 1702, he resigned his position, and Bishop Zmaria was ordained in his place. Bishara was still living in 1715 or, as some say, in 1721. Shortly afterwards he passed away. Several priests came out of his family of Dabak. [ Of these we may mention the priest Barsoum, nephew of Bishop Bishara (1711), the priest Ibrahim of Hama (1756), the Chorespicopus Abd Allah Fa’ur (11847), the priest Sulayman Iskandar of Hama (1868-1891), the monk-priest Jirjis and his cousin the monk Isaiah, a virtuous and zealous person who sometimes served as deputy of the patriarch at the Coptic bishopric office of Alexandria, the Chorepiscopus Yusuf Sa’igh of Homs (1891), the priest Musa Jabir in Maskana (1911), the Chorespiscopus Harun (Aaron) who was ordained for Homs in 1922, and the priest Ni’mat Allah ‘Assaf of Sadad (1923.] 7) Cyril Yeshu’, metropolitan of Bedlis (1697-1729). Cyril Yeshue’ was the son of the priest Ni’ma. He was born in Hisn Kifa and became a monk at a monastery in Tur Abdin. In 1697, Patriarch Jurjis ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Bedlis and called him Cyril. In the roster of bishops he is called Dionysius. However, the name of Cyril is more correct, as we found in a Book of Ordinations at our Library. Church chronicles make mention of him up to 1728. After serving thirty-two years as a bishop, he passed away and was buried in the city of Bedlis, where his tomb could still be seen around 1729. He was succeeded by Cyril Faraj Allah, metropolitan of Ma’dan. 1) Ishaq (Isaac) Saliba, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Abai. [This monastery, named for Abai, a Persian martyr, is near the village of Qellith, north of Mardin, Turkey.] Metropolitan Saliba was mentioned in some copies as a native of Qellith, a big village in the district of Mardin. It is also said that he became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Matta. Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Mar Abai, the Persian martyr, around 1697 and called him Ishaq . He was the only metropolitan to be called by this pastoral name The compiler of the roster of patriarchs and bishops mentioned that the governor of his country (Mardin) forced Ishaq to take part in installing Shim’un (Simon) of Ma’dan as an intruding patriarch around 1699. Immediately, however, he rushed to the lawful Patriarch (Jirjis), explaining his predicament and asking for pardon. The patriarch, who was known for indulgence, pardoned him. However, according to Maphryono Shim’un of Manim’im, the installation of the said Shim’un of Ma’dan as an intruding patriarch was done by his nephew (his sister’s son). He never mentioned Metropolitan Saliba. Having administered his diocese in peace, Metropolitan Ishaq passed away in 1730 or shortly afterwards. He was the last metropolitan of the diocese of Mar Abai, whose remaining parts, including the town al-Sawar and the villages of Qellith, Bafawa, U’wayn, Kharuba and Ma’sarte, were added to the diocese of Mardin. Ruins of the the monasteries of this diocese can still be seen today, especially those of the Monastery of Mar Abai, its Metropolitan Seat. 9) Dionysius Yusuf, metropolitan of Ma’dan (1701-1746). Yusuf was a monk from the town of Ma’dan. It happened that his uncle Shim’un, metropolitan of the diocese of Ma’dan, was displeased with some monks of the Za’faran Monastery who roamed through the dioceses collecting the patriarch’s tithes. He perceived that he could become independent of the Apostolic See. To achieve his aim, he sought the help of the governor of his region. Also, he installed his nephew Yusuf as metropolitan in his stead, although Yusuf was a new monk and had not yet reached the age required to be a metropolitan. Moreover, through the intervention of the governor, Shim’un installed himself as an unlawful patriarch, as was related by Maphryono Shim’un himself, which is most likely. According to another version, Ishaq Saliba, metropolitan of Mar Abai, took part in the installation of Shim’un as an unlawful patriarch. Later, however, Yusuf regretted his action and went to see Patriarch Jirjis, submitting his repentance and asking for a pardon. The patriarch pardoned him after having him observe the canons required for penance. When he observed the canons, the patriarch ordained him a lawful metropolitan and called him Dionysius. Meantime, Shim’un repented of his unlawful action and the whole matter was forgotten. Metropolitan Yusuf administered his diocese until his death in 1746 or 1749, as has been conjectured. 10) Iyawannis, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta (1701-1713). Iyawannis was originally Matta, the son of Maqdisi ‘Azar. He was born in Mosul and became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Matta shortly before 1672. When his virtue and zeal became well known, Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a metropolitan for the Monastery of Mar Matta in 1701, and called him Iyawannis. His brother, Basilius Ishaq, Maphryono of the East, took part in his ordination. In the same year (1701), Iyawannis planted the garden of the monastery, known as Junayna . He commemorated this event with an inscription which can still be seen on its wall. Sometimes, he administered the diocese of Mosul as a deputy of his brother up to 1712, when he became a maphryono, as shall be seen later. 11) Dionsysius Yuhanna (John), metropolitan of the Za’faran Monastery. (1702-1706). Yuhanna was the son of Adam of Mardin. Before 1690 he became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery, where he also received the priesthood. Then he became metropolitan of the same monastery. He assumed the name Dionysius about 1702. We have traced his chronicle up to 1706. [ We said in our book Nuzhat al-Adhhan fi Tarikh Day al-Za’faran, 80, that Dionysius became metropolitan of the Za’faran Monastery from 1686 to 1702. More correct is what was said above.] 12) Yuhanna (John), bishop of the Natif (Qatra) Monastery (1704-1714). Yuhanna’s native city was Mardin. He was mentioned in the roster of patriarchs and bishops. I found his name in the annals of the years from 1704 to 1714, during which he resided at the Monastery of the Sayyida of Natif [The Monastery of Qatra, meaning dripping water, named after the Virgin Mary, overlooking the Za’faran Monastery. Tr.] 13) Basilius Abd al-Ahad, bishop of Zarjal. (1705). His name was mentioned in the roster of patriarchs and bishops. Most likely he was ordained a bishop for Zarjal, also known as Bushairiyya, in the province of Diyarbakr, whose Episcopate Seat was the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos. We read an Order of Ordinations compiled by him at the Church of Mar Mama in the village of Halhal in 1705. It appears that the term of his episcopate was short, as is shown by the ordination of his successor Ibrahim. 14) Gregorius Abd al-Azali, bishop of Damascus (1706-1730). Gregorius Abd al-Azali was born in Damascus. He was ordained a deacon by Butrus (Peter), metropolitan of Jerusalem, in 1625. He studied under Gregorius Yuhanna, son of Ghurair, bishop of Damascus, who also ordained him a priest for the Church of Mar Behnam before 1686. In 1702, he journeyed to Egypt. After his wife died, Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a bishop for the diocese of Damascus at the Church of the Virgin in Aleppo in May, 1706, and called him Gregorius. He passed away in 1720, having served his diocese for twenty-four years. He, may God have mercy on him, was a venerable old man. 15) Basilius Ibrahim, bishop of Bushairiyya (1706-1742). Basilius Ibrahim was born in Midyat, Tur ‘Abdin, and became a monk at a monastery of Tur ‘Abdin before 1700. He was ordained a bishop of Bushairiyya about 1706 and was named Basilius. In 1707, he resigned his position. In 1710, he took care of the planning and building of the Church of St. Shmuni the Maccabean in the village of ‘Ayn Ward. [Berlin MSS] For twenty-eight years, from 1714 to 1742, he resided at the monastery of the Patriarchal Seat (Za’faran Monastery), where he also passed away. He attended the synod which elected Patriarch Shukr Allah to the Patriarchal dignity. He is mentioned in the roster of bishops appended to the Chronicle of Patriarch Michael Rabo. 16) Athanasius Aslan, metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office and then of Amid (1707-1741). Athanasius Aslan was the son of Abd al-Nur of Amid. His mother was Nazarkhan. He was born in Amid (Diyarbakr) in the last quarter of the seventeenth century and was called Aslan, a variation of the Turkish term Arslan, meaning lion, as he has personally related. Among his family were his two brothers, the priests Tuma (1728-1745) and Yusuf (1747), who served at the church of Amid. Aslan became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery and was ordained a deacon shortly before 1697, and then a priest before 1705. Under Maphryono Shim’un of Manim’im of Tur ‘Abdin, he studied the rules of monasticism and Syriac literature, of which he learned a great deal. For his virtue and knowledge, Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a bishop for the Patriarchal Office at the Church of the Malphono Mar Yaqub, overlooking the Za’faran Monastery, on April 16, 1707, and called him Athanasius. The compiler of the roster of patriarchs and bishops (appended to the Chronicle of Patriarch Michael Rabo) is incorrect saying that Athanasius was ordained a bishop for Aleppo. Athanasius attended the synod which elected Patriarch Ignatius Ishaq. When in 1714 the Episcopal See of Amid became vacant, Patriarch Jirjis ordained Aslan a metropolitan for Amid, to succeed its Metropolitan Timothy Shukr Allah. Athanasius administered his diocese ably for twenty-seven years. He taught and counseled the parishioners until God transferred him to his eternal abode on Tuesday, December 29, 1741. Athanasius also attended the synod convened at the Za’faran Monastery to elect Patriarch Shukr Allah in 1722. Athanasius, may God rest his soul in peace, was well versed in the Syriac language which he transcribed in an elegant hand. Among his transcriptions is the Book of Summer Husoyos (supplicatory prayers) at the Church of the Za’faran Monastery, portions of which he translated into mediocre Arabic. He also translated into mediocre Arabic the Husoyos of the Week of the White; a Commentary on the Mysteries by Moses Bar Kifa; the Book of Theology, by his teacher Maphryono Shim’un, which he completed in the middle of June, 1720; and the Chariot of Mysteries, by the same Maphryono Shim’un, completed in 1727. Moreover, he composed homilies in a pleasant Arabic, despite its simple style. His life was characterized by virtue and piety. From an ode composed by some of his contemporaries, it can be derived that miracles of healing the sick were depicted on his grave. 17) Julius Zmaria, bishop of the Monastery of Mar Julian (1707-1730). Zmaria was born in Amid and became a priest of its church before 1684. When widowed, he became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery before 1699. Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a bishop for the Monastery of Mar Julian, and simultaneously ordained Athanasius Aslan a metropolitan, at the Church of the Monastery of Mar Yaqub on April 16, 1702. He gave Zmaria the name Julius at his ordination, and not Cyril, as indicated by the roster of bishops His name (Julius) was mentioned in The Order of Ordinations. It seems that the providence forsook him, and he was defrocked for a few years. Later he was directed by Bishop Sarukhan to the right path, as is mentioned in the roster of bishops. In general, we have no information about the details of his life. Most likely, however, he died between 1720 and 1726. 18) Basilius Gurgis, metropolitan of Bushairiyya (1707-1748). Gurgis (Jirjis) was the son of Ibrahim ‘Abd al-Nur, and his mother was Naslikhan. He was born in Aleppo. In some manuscripts which he transcribed, he said that Patriarch Jirjis clothed him with the monastic habit (as a novice) at the Za’faran Monastery in 1701. He studied under Basilius Ishaq, Maphryono of the East, who ordained him a deacon. He was ordained a priest by Gregorius Shim’un of Salah, metropolitan of Jerusalem, and joined the students of the Patriarchal Office.. On May 25, 1707, Patriarch Jijis ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese Bushairiyya at the Za’faran Monastery and called him Basilius at his ordination. In 1722, Basilius attended the synod which elected Patriarch Shukr Allah to the Patriarchal dignity. In this same year he renovated the Monastery of St. Mark with the assistance of the new patriarch and ‘Abd al-Ahad, metropolitan of Jerusalem, and Metropolitan Jirjis of Edessa. After administering his diocese for thirty-one years, he passed away and was buried in his own monastery. He, may God have mercy on him, had magnificent Syriac handwriting. He left at the Za’faran Monastery a Book of Liturgies which he completed in 1727. 19) Severus Iliyya (Elijah), metropolitan of Edessa (1707-1718). Iliyya was born in Amid and became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery. He studied under Patriarch Jirjis, who trained him in the virtuous life. On May 25, 1707, the patriarch ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Edessa and called him Severus at his ordination. At that time the church of Edessa suffered from disorder because of the parishioners’ negligence and their bad treatment of the clergy. During his administration Severus restored order to the diocese. In 1716, he visited Jerusalem and ordained priests and deacons for the churches of Syria and Jerusalem with the approval of church officers. He passed away in 1718. We have an illustrated and embellished ancient manuscript in Severus’s name, dated 1713. It was donated to us by the congregation of Edessa in 1914. 20) Dioscorus, bishop of the Monastery of Mar Musa. Dioscorus was the last bishop who we think was ordained by Patriarch Jurjis. When the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Musa the Abyssinian became vacant for a few years because Metropolitan Behnam of Hbob had fled, as has been said earlier, Patriarch Jirjis ordained him a bishop for the diocese around 1708, and called him Dioscorus We are inclined to believe that he was born and raised in Sadad. Probably he, like some of his fellow priests, was a widower He is mentioned in the chronicles of that time up to 1721. We think that he passed away before 1720, when his successor ‘Abd al-Nur of Aleppo was ordained a metropolitan. Patriarch Ignatius Ishaq Ignatius Ishaq was consecrated a patriarch on February 8, 1709, and passed away on July 18, 1724, having served fourteen years, five months and twelve days. He was 77 years old. Patriarch Ishaq was the son of Maqdisi ‘Azar. His mother was Maryam. His family produced several priests and church officers, including his brother Basilius II Matta, Maphryono of the East (1713-1727), and the priest Yaqub (1728); his nephew Basilius Li’azar (Lazarus) IV, Maphryono of the East (1731-1759); his uncle and predecessor, Patriarch Ignatius Jijis II (1687-1708), already discussed; and his brother the priest Rizq Allah and others. Patriarch Ishaq was born in Mosul in 1647. When he grew up, he became devoted to the pious life. He entered the monastery of Mar Matta, where he was ordained a priest by his tutor Basilius Yalda of Khudaida, Maphryono of the East, in 1669. He continued to grow in piety. He exerted a great effort in renovating the Monastery of Mar Matta in 1673. Two years later he became the monastery’s superior and did well by ministering to its monks. At the beginning of 1684, he was ordained a metropolitan for the Monastery of Mar Matta by Patriarch Ignatius Abd al-Masih I, at the Za’faran Monastery and was called Severus at his ordination. He was then elevated to the dignity of the Maphrianate of the East, and was called Basilius Ishaq, at the Great Church of Mardin. He was confirmed in his new office by the synod which met at the beginning of April, 1687. His uncle, Patriarch Jirjis II, entrusted him with the administration of the entire Holy Church (the Syrian Church). He ordained several bishops and a great number of presbyters, deacons and monks. While he was in Aleppo, Patriarch Jirjis II passed away. The fathers of the Syrian Church met, presided over by Maphryono Basilius Li’azar of Tur ‘Abdin, and unanimously chose Ishaq as a patriarch. When he learned that he had been chosen as patriarch and was granted the certificate of investiture by the Ottoman sultan, Ishaq went to Diyarbakr, where he was proclaimed a patriarch of the See of Antioch and was called Ignaius Ishaq on the festival day of St. Severus of Antioch on February 8, 1709. He ministered to the holy church for fourteen years, five months and twelve days. On July 20, 1723, a synod met and, with his approval, chose his disciple Dionysius Shukr Allah Sani’a as his successor. Patriarch Ishaq went to Mosul, his native city, where he passed away on Saturday July 18, 1724, and was buried in the father’s mausoleum at the Church of the Apostle Mar Tuma (St. Thomas). He was seventy-seven years old, having spent fifty-five years in the service of God and his church.. Patriarch Ishaq was of good conduct and burning zeal for the House of God. He was of noble character and adventurous in performing outstanding deeds, as mentioned in the annals of the church. He was the right arm of his uncle and predecessor, Patriarch (Jirjis II), especially for his excellent traits and sacrifice for the cause of the Syrian Church. However, old age and sickness overwhelmed him, and moreover the hardships of traveling to the capital (Constantinople) and other places forced him to abdicate his position. He, may God have mercy on him, was well versed in the Syriac language, in which he wrote a Compendium of Morphology. Copies of this work have survived. Also, he consecrated the Holy Chrism at the Za’faran Monastery in 1709 and again for a second time. During his time as maphryono and patriarch, Patriarch Ishaq ordained seventeen bishops, including three maphryonos. First: Those whom he ordained as a Maphryono. 1) Dioscorus Shukr Allah, metropolitan of the Jazira (1687-1697). Shukr Allah was son of the Chorepiscopus Matlub Jazri (1668-1697), whose native city was Jazirat ibn ‘Umar. He became a monk at a monastery where he studied church sciences, and had good Syriac handwriting. The book of the Order of Ordinations, known as Homologia [ Homologia is a Greek term meaning Confession of Faith or Defens of Faith. It is usually proclaimed by the cleric at his ordination. Below, the author refers to it as Order of Ordination For Homologia, see A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, ed, J. Payne Smith (Oxford at the Clarendon Ptress, 1903, 19 and the biography of Timothy ‘Ata Allah, bishop of Edessa. Tr.], says that Basilius Ishaq, Maphryono of the East, ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of the Jazira and called him Dionysius Shukr Allah at his ordination in 1687. He managed his diocese for almost four years and then resigned his position. He was succeeded by Bishop Dioscorus Saliba. Shukr Allah reportedly passed away in 1695 or (more likely) in 1697. 2) Timothy Shukr Allah, metropolitan of Amid (1690-1715). Timothy Shukr Allah was a son of Yusuf, widely known as the Amidian because he was born in the village of al-Qadi in the province of Amid (Diyarbakr). He pursued holy monastic life and became renowned for his piety. He was chosen to administer the great diocese of Diyarbakr, and was ordained its metropolitan by Patriarch Ishaq, who called him Timothy Shukr Allah, in 1690. In 1693, he visited the Monastery of the Sayyida (Virgin Mary) in Hattach. After serving his congregation for twenty-four years, he resigned his position in 1714 and was succeeded by Metropolitan Athanasius Aslan. He passed away in the next year. We found in some books he copied that he had bequeathed to the church of Amid a cross set with gems. 3) Severus Malke, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta (1694-1699). Severus Malke was born in Mardin. His father, Yeshu’ Fanna, was a notable of that city. His family produced several priests, including Iliyya Fanna (1689), his brother the priest-monk Iliyya Fanna (1711), ‘Abd al-Ahad Fanna, abbot of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem (1718-1726), Yuhanna (1720), and ‘Abd al-Masih (1796). Severus Malke desired the monastic life and thus dedicated himself to God. He was ordained a priest before 1686. As he gained experience and a good name, Maphryono Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Matta and called him Severus at his ordination in 1694. In the next year he visited the town of Duhuk, which until then had been densely populated by Syrians, and ordained priests for its Church of the Sayyida (the Virgin Mary). After serving his diocese for five years, he passed away around 1699. 4) Athanasius Murad, metropolitan of the Jazira (1695-1716). Athanasius was Murad, son of ‘Abd al-Masih, whose mother was Alaria. In his family flourished his brother Gregorius Shim’un, the metropolitan of Jerusalem (1679-1692). Athanasius was born in the village of Qusur, in the province of Mardin, and became a monk at the Monastery of the Lady of Natif. He studied under the Chorepsicopus Matlub Jazri and his son Dioscorus Shukr Allah, metropolitan of the Jazira, and gained a substantial knowledge of church science, for which he was called Malphono (Doctor). In 1695, Mapahryono Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan, calling him Athanasius at his ordination. In 1698, he was appointed as the successor of Dioscorus Saliba in the diocese of the Jazira and assumed the name of Dioscorus. He served the diocese for eighteen years and most likely passed away in 1716. 5) Timothy ‘Ata Allah, bishop of Edessa (1699-1707). ‘Ata Allah was born in Edessa where he was ordained a priest. When he became a widower, Maphryono Ishaq ordained him a bishop for the diocese of Edessa under the name ‘Ata Allah Timothy at the beginning of 1699, as was mentioned in the Homologia. We found his name in a manuscript at the Library of Boston, U.S.A. [These Boston MSS are now at the Harvard University Library. Tr.] Beyond this, we have no information about him. We assume that he lived until 1707. 6) Dionysius Shukr Allah, metropolitan of Aleppo (1709-1723). Shukr Allah was son of Maqdisi Yuhanna, son of Ni’ma Sani’a. Among his family flourished his two nephews, Cyril Gurgis, metropolitan of Amid and Mardin (1720-1749), Gregorius Barsoum, metropolitan of Jerusalem (1720-1727), and their nephew (the son of their brother) the priest Iliyya Yuhanna Sani’a (1767). Shukr Allah was born in Mardin about 1674. As a youth, he became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery, where he also acquired a knowledge of church sciences and trained in piety. He studied under Maphryono Ishaq, who ordained him a priest, and accompanied the maphryono on his journey to the capital. He was very active, combining the vigor of youth with the determination of mellow age. For his excellence, the maphryono, who had obtained his investiture (from the Ottoman sultan), ordained him a metropolitan for the Aleppo diocese and called him Dionysius Shukr Allah, at the Church of the Sayyida (the Virgin Mary) of Aleppo on January, 1709. He showed a great concern for the administration of his diocese, not to mention the assistance he offered to Gregorius Shim’un, metropolitan of Jerusalem, to regulate the affairs of the Monastery of St. Mark. For this reason, he accompanied the metropolitan to the Holy City (Jerusalem) along with some of his students, namely, the monk Wanes of Gargar and the monks Yuhanna, ‘Abd al-Nur of Amid and Ni’mat Allah on December 13, 1717. At Jerusalem the Latin (Roman Catholic) monks asked him to explain to them the belief (of the Syrian Church) in the Lord Christ. He wrote a beneficial treatise emphasizing the natural and personal union (of the two natures of Christ), a copy of which is in our possession. As he endeavored to defend the Orthodox faith [ Of the Syrian Church.Tr.], the opponents of the faith [ The Latin Friars. Tr.] plotted to have him banished in July, 1720, by order of the (Ottoman) governor Rajab Pasha to the island of Arwad, near the city of Tarsus, where he remained for four months. He was accompanied to Arwad by the monks Yuhanna, ‘Abd al-Nur of Amid, and Musa ibn Kuhayl of Sadad. For a second time, the same opponents provoked persecution against him and plotted to have him hanged. But the Lord, who does not neglect those who fear him, saved him from adversity. This event was related by the compiler of the roster of bishops appended to the Chronicle of Patriarch Michael Rabo, already mentioned. Upon the abdication of Patriarch Ishaq, Dionysius Shukr Allah was chosen a patriarch in his stead on July 20, 1723. The rest of his biography will follow shortly. 7) Basilius Li’azar III, Maphryono of the East (1709-1713). He was Iyawannis Li’azar of Mansuriyya, ordained by Patriarch ‘Abd al-Masih I as bishop for the village of Manuriyya in 1684. That same year he witnessed the consecration of the Holy Chrism at the Church of the Forty (Martyrs) in Mardin, attended by other bishops. In 1709, Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a Maphryono of the East and called him Basilius Li’azar at his ordination. He was the third maphryono to bear this name. After serving his Maphrianate See for four years, he passed away in the middle of 1713. 8) Basilius Shim’un II, Maphryono of Tur ‘Abdin (1710-1740). Maphryono Shim’un is well known as the Toroyo (the man from Tur ‘Abdin). He was the most famous of the later fathers (of the Church) for his sanctity, devotion, and knowledge. He was born in the village of Banim’im (Manim’im) in Tur ‘Abdin about 1670. His father was Malke, son of Ayyub (Job) of Banim’im, and his mother was Sida. He was pious since childhood. Upon growing to manhood, he renounced the world and entered a monastery in Tur ‘Abdin with a native friend named Gabriel, son of the priest Emmanuel. Shim’un carried the yoke of the Lord Jesus and devoted himself to spiritual worship. In 1690, he and his friend Gabriel assumed the monastic habit. Shim’un studied Syriac literature and some sciences under notable men of his time. In 1695, he visited the Monastery of Mar Matta in the Mountain of al-Faf, whose superior then was Metropolitan Severus Malke. He returned to his monastery and was ordained a priest. For a time, he lived as a solitary in the Monastery of Malphono Yaqub (Jacob), which overlooks the Za’faran Monastery. He spent time in religious struggle, vigils, fasting, prayer, and the study of Scriptures, their commentaries, and hermeneutics in depth. Also, he studied the entire field of religious sciences, from which he benefited immensely. He gained a great reputation as a virtuous man and was considered the best ascetic and learned man of his age. Indeed, no two will differ over his excellence. For his characteristics, Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a Maphryono for Tur ‘Abdin and the Jazira in 1710 at the Church of the Apostle St. Thomas, in the village of Qutrubul in the province of Amid. But no sooner had he assumed his new position than he faced hardships which disturbed his ascetic way of life. He was forced to leave his diocese in the next year (1711) and return to his solitary life at the Monastery of Mar Yaqub as he himself has said. He spent sixteen years in devotion and keeping night vigils, prayer, and reading and writing. He presided over the synod convened at the Za’faran Monastery to elect and install Shukr Allah as patriarch on July 20, 1723. In 1727, Shim’un returned to his diocese and resided most of the time at the Monastery of Qartmin (Mar Gabriel), the Monastery of Aho, and the Monastery of Mar Barsoum of Kafar Tut in the village of Manim’im. The heart of this father was filled with the fear of God, not to mention his remarkable knowledge of church sciences. He became well known for his apostolic zeal, for which he endured hardships as he traveled the countries, preaching, guiding, and disposing of the affairs of people. Once, as he was preaching the true faith in Aleppo, he heard that some Latin (Roman Catholic) missionaries were deceiving the Syrian congregation with their teaching. He was urged to write the book entitled Silah al-Din was Turs al-Yaqin (The Armor of Religion and the Shield of the Certainty of Conviction) to explain the veracity of the faith of the Syrian Church regarding the Incarnation, and to refute the new heresies. A historical tract mentions that he reconciled the unlawful patriarchate of Tur ‘Abdin with the Apostolic See following the death of Patriarch Denha in 1725, after the patriarchate of Tur ‘Abdin had been vacant for fifteen years. Maphryono Shim’un continued to strive for the truth until his life ended in martyrdom similar to that of John the Baptist. It happened in this manner. A Syrian man, a servant of ‘Abdal Agha (a Kurdish ruler), fell in love with and sought to marry a young woman who was his immediate relative. Since such marriage was forbidden by the laws of the holy church [ Because of the consanguineous relation of the man and the woman. Tr. ], the wicked man appealed to the wife of his lord ‘Abdal Agha for help. ‘Abdal Agha’s wife pressured her husband to intercede with the Maphryono (Shim’un) to sanction the marriage. The Maphryono rejected ‘Abdal Agha’s intercession on the ground that a marriage of this kind was a violation of church laws. ‘Abdal became furious and delivered the maphryono to Muhammad Beg Bakhti, governor of the Jazira, to have him killed. When the maphryono stood in the presence of the governor, the governor ordered an attendant to give him a cup of poison to drink. The maphryono held the cup in his hand and blessed it with the sign of the Holy Cross. He asked the governor three times which side of the cup he wanted him to drink from. Then he drank the poison, trusting in the armor of faith, and was not harmed by the poison. It was our blessed Lord who said, “If they drink deadly poison, it will not hurt them at all.” (Mark, 16: 18) [According to the Syriac translation, deadly poison is very effective. The Maronite Bishop Yusuf al -Dibs said in his commentary on this Gospel, “They drink deadly poison and it will not hurt them.” The Arabic translation of the cited Gospel from the Greek says, “If they drink something harmful it will not hurt them.” Commenting on this verse, the learned Yaqub (Jacob) Bar Salibi says, “Some say that one of the seventy-two missionaries sent out by Jesus was given poison by mistake to drink. He drank it but was not hurt.” Bar Salibi goes on to say, “Some put poison in the Chalice which contained the Blood of Salvation, to be drunk by a saint. When the saint took the Chalice he was not hurt. Many saints drank poison and were not hurt.”] When the governor saw that the maphryono had not been harmed by the poison, he was greatly astonished. He called his attendant and asked him whether he gave the maphryono real poison, and he said he did. The governor asked him to pour water in the poisoned cup and drink it. When the attendant drank the cup the poison penetrated his body, and instantly he was dead. The governor summoned the maphryono a second time to his presence. This time he asked him to sing and dance as an act of humiliation. The maphryono excused himself but began to chant in the Kurdish language his famous compassionate ode, known as Lavij, relating the Day of Judgment, the trial of the wicked, and their torment. When he finished, the governor and his attendants were amazed at his courage and righteousness. The governor, Muhammad Beg, did not harm him, but instead offered him gifts and sent him back home with honor. When the maphryono returned to his monastery at the village of Banim’im, ‘Abdal Agha learned what had happened in his meeting with the governor. He became angry but controlled himself. He asked the maphryono to permit his servant to marry his blood relative, threatening that if he refused, he would cast him into prison in chains and torture him. This happened in mid-Lent, 1740. On the Saturday of the Annunciation, known as the Great Saturday of Light, ‘Abdal Agha summoned the maphryono and ordered that he be killed. Other say that the maphryono was cast down from the roof of the monastery and died on April 5. ‘Abdal Agha then asked Metropolitan Rizq Allah of Mosul, the maphryono’s disciple, to perform the unlawful marriage. He threatened to kill him if he disobeyed. Fired up with zeal, the metropolitan began to rebuke the tyrant (‘Abdal Agha) for his iniquity, sins, and hatred of Christianity. He said to the Agha, “Do you think that I will cherish life after what has happened to my master, the martyr of truth?” The wicked ‘Abdal Agha became outraged and ordered his slaves to torture the metropolitan. The slaves cut off his head by the sword. Many say that Almighty God honored his two faithful servants by a miracle. It is said that their venerable bodies were enveloped by heavenly light which astonished those who were present. Even the Muslim Kurds regretted what they did, but it was too late. Consequently, the Christians of Banim’im dispersed, for fear of the tyranny of the wicked ‘Abdal. Meanwhile, the people of Basibrina and Arbo wanted to gain possession of the bodies of the two martyrs. A tense controversy arose because of this matter until the clergy advised them to cast lots on the bodies. As a result, the people of Basibrina won the body of the maphryono and buried it in the Great Church of Mar Dodo. His grave is honored to this day. The people of Arbo took possession of the body of Metropolitan Rizq Allah and buried it in their Church of Mar Dumit. Both martyred clergymen were eulogized in Syriac and Arabic odes. Maphryono Shim’un was undoubtedly the leading personality of his time in piety, virtue and knowledge. He was well versed in spiritual sciences and proficient in the Syriac and Kurdish languages. His Arabic, however, was unpolished. For his superb knowledge, some of his contemporaries represented him with comely attributes. The maphryono wrote several books of average quality. They are as follows: 1) The Book of Theology, which he wrote in Syriac in 1719. We found a copy of it, written in his elegant handwriting, at the Monastery of Mar Awgen. It was translated into Arabic by Metropolitan Aslan in the middle of June, 1720. 2) Silah al-Din wa Turs al-Yaqin (The Armor of Religion and the Shield of the Certainty of Conviction), written in Syriac in response to the suggestion of some Syrians. It was translated into Arabic in 1723. 3) Markabat al-Asrar al-Aqliyya (The Chariot of Spiritual Mysteries), written in Syriac and translated into Arabic by his disciple, Metropolitan Aslan, in 1727. Despite the valuable information they contain, however, these books are not free from tenuous and unacceptable ideas. 4) A Syriac-Arabic Dictionary, compiled in 1728. It is a compendium of comprehensive dictionaries. 5) A book he wrote in eloquent Syriac, containing commentaries on the parable of the lost coin, the wings of the Seraphs, the Lord’s Prayer, and other Gospel parables. It also contained a refutation of the purgatory and the explanation of eschatology. It consists of 200 pages. We came upon two copies of it at the villages of Kafra and Kafarboran in Tur ‘Abdin. 6) A Book of Homilies for the Whole Year, consisting of 600 pages. It contains thirty-six homilies, extending from the Sunday of the Consecration of the Church to the Sunday of Resurrection. Despite their average quality, these homilies are spiritually effective 7) A Syriac Anthology, of average quality. It contains a variety of important topics, most of which are on Repentance, composed in different meters. Some of them are short, and others are arranged in magnificent stanzas. The best-known of his odes is a lengthy one in which he laments the condition of the [Syrian] church due to its weak faith and the corrupt conduct of its members. It begins thus: “O Lord, who through his Son created the world from nothing…” Added to this are other odes (Zajaliyyas) characterized by strophic form in praise of the Virgin Mary. Maphryono Shim’un, may God honor him, had an elegant Syriac script. Among his transcribed works is a Syriac copy of the Old Testament, a thick and magnificent volume, which he finished in 1718, and which is preserved at the Library of the Za’faran Monastery as No. 1; a Syriac Gospel in fine script, which he finished in 1719; The Book of Theology (already mentioned); a breviary containing the seven times of prayer for monks, a copy of which is at the Monastery of Yuhanna of Tayy; and a liturgy and other compositions.. Most of his writings are either in the possession of individuals or deposited at the Libraries of the Monasteries of St. Mark and Za’faran and other monasteries. This venerable ascetic had many pupils who learned from him the spiritual way of life. Most famous of them were Athanasius Aslan, metropolitan of Amid (1707-1741); Basilius Denha Baltaji of ‘Arnas, who succeeded him as Maphryono of Tur ‘Abdin (1740-1780); and Metropolitan Rizq Allah of Mosul. This metropolitan, according to his own account, was born in the Qal’a district of the city of Mosul. His original name was ‘Abd al-Razzaq, son of Matta the Carpenter. He was ordained a deacon in 1718 and became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Matta in 1727. Then he moved to the Monastery of Qartmin (Mar Gabriel), where he had resided at the beginning of his career. Later he moved to the Monastery of Mar Shim’un in the village of Arbo. In 1738, Maphryono Shim’un ordained him a metropolitan. He remained in the company of the maphryono until both of them were martyred in 1740, as was said earlier. We found in his handwriting several books at the Monastery of Mar Sharbil and other monasteries of Tur ‘Abdin. Maphryono Shim’un lived for seventy years, thirty of which were spent in the priesthood. He won the felicity of devotional life and the honor of martyrdom. May God sanctify his memory and benefit us by his supplications. 1) Yuhanna of Mardin, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Abhai (1712-1729).[Also called the Monastery of Ladders, it is on the right bank of the Euphrates, a half-hour journey from the village of Urbish, near Karkar, an ancient citadel and town near Melitene (the present Malatya, Turkey). Tr.] Yuhanna was born in Mardin. He became a monk and a priest. In 1712, Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Mar Abhai, Gargar, and Hisn Mansur. Most likely he resigned his position in 1714. One proof of his resignation is the fact that Metropolitan Ayyub (Job), who was ordained to succeed him, mentioned his name in his Homologia. Yuhanna was still living in 1729. However, his life’s chronicle and the date of his death are unknown. He composed an ode in praise of Mar Theodore the martyr. 10) Basilius Matta II, Maphryono of the East (1713-1727). Basilius Matta was Iyawannis Matta, son of Li’azar, a brother of Patriarch Ishaq. His biography has already been listed among the bishops ordained by Patriarch Jirjis II. When the See of the Maphrianate became vacant with the death of Maphryono Li’azar III, his brother, Patriarch Ishaq, elevated him to this dignity (of Maphryono) at the Za’faran Monastery before September, 1713, and called him Basilius Matta at his ordination. He was the second maphryono to bear this name. He administered his see for fourteen years and passed away in September, 1727. He was buried in the tomb of his brother the patriarch at the Church of Mar Tuma (Thomas) in Mosul. Basilius Matta was a venerable and pious father of the church. 11) Gregorius Ayyub (Job), metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Abhai (1714-1740). Gregorius Ayyub was the son of Baghdasar. He was born in Amid, or in Hisn Mansur, as some say. He became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery, devoted himself to ascetic life and devotion, and was ordained a priest. After he became known for his piety, Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Abhai and called him Gregorius in December, 1714. He served his diocese for twenty-six years and then departed for eternal rest in 1740. He was buried in the Church of Ss. Peter and Paul in Hisn Mansur. In 1905, the church was renovated and the tomb of Gregorius Ayyub was set outside the nave. His congregation still discusses his piety and dignity. [The monk ‘Abd al-Ahad of Ma’sarte, may God rest his soul in peace, sacrificed his life for the renovation of this church. It happened that when he went through the diocese of Swayrik collecting money for the renovation of the church, he was forced to stay one night at a Muslim Kurdish village. When he finished supper and retired to bed, his wicked host, with like-minded companions, attacked and killed him and his attendant and looted their belongings.] 12) Timothy ‘Isa, metropolitan of the Za’faran Monastery and Mardin (1718-1743). Timothy ’Isa was the son of Ishaq, and his mother was Maryam. He had two brothers, Yaqub and Musa, and a sister, Alaria. He was born in Mosul and studied the Syriac language and religious sciences under the priest Matta and gained knowledge of both. At the end of the biographies of Patriarchs Jirjis II and Ishaq, it is said that he was born around 1689. As he grew up, he expressed the desire to personally meet Patriarch Jirjis, with the intention of studying under him and receiving the order of priesthood. But he could not fulfill this desire because the patriarch did not come to Mosul, and Timothy could not travel to see him. After the death of Patriach Jirjis in 1708, his successor Patriarch Ishaq came to Mosul in 1709, and Timothy went to meet him. The patriarch understood Timothy’s good intentions and ordained him a deacon and then a priest. Timothy remained in the patriarch’s company. In 1708, the patriarch ordained him a metropolitan for the Za’faran Monastery and called him Timothy at his ordination, despite his objection. Timothy said, “I remained in the company of the patriarch at the Z’afaran Monastery, the Patriarchal Seat, until his death.” [Actually, he remained in the company of Patriarch Ishaq until he resigned because of old age, or he may have accompanied him to Mosul, where the patriarch died in the next year.] In 1723, Timothy attended the synod convened at the Za’faran Monastery to choose and install Shukr Allah as patriarch. In 1725, he endeavored to buy the patriarchal residence at the church of the Arba’in (Forty Martyrs) in Mardin and reassign it as an endowment to the church, after it had been sold because of carelessness. In 1729, he exerted a great effort to build the Church of St. Theodore the martyr, the cost of whose building amounted to eight purses. [A purse contained five hundred piasters. So the eight purses today would be worth between four hundred and five hundred gold liras.] Patriarch Shukr Allah, assisted by Timothy, consecrated this church. Also, Timothy became a superior of the Monastery of Mar Matta, near Mosul, for two years (1737-1739), and then returned to his own diocese. In 1743, he passed away at the city of Aleppo and was buried in the Church of the Sayyida (Virgin Mary). He lived fifty-four years, twenty-five of which were spent in the service of the priesthood. Timothy surpassed the fathers of his age with zeal, virtue and ascetic living. He was well versed in the Syriac language. He translated into mediocre Arabic eight husoyos (supplicatory prayers), as is mentioned in a prayer book at the Church of Mar Jirjis in Zahla, Lebanon, in the handwriting of a copyist named Musa who completed it in 1723. He also composed an ode in praise of the Virgin Mary, to whom the people of Mosul ascribed victory over the tyrant Tahmasb Khan Nadir Shah. It begins thus: “The Virgin Mary defeated the Persians.” In 1730, he wrote in colloquial Arabic the biographies of Patrarichs Jirjis II and Ishaq, in response to the request of some acquaintances. This was reported by Patriarch Ishaq himself, his teachers, and his elders at the time. He compiled a commentary on the Gospel known as “Cinnabar” [The MS is in Manchester, England. Cinnabar is a Greek term for zinjafr, a sparkling crumbly metal, so called because of the red ink which it contains.] , written by the learned Yaqub (Jacob) bar Salibi, metropolitan of Amid. In addition to commenting on it, he abridged some of its expositions by Basilius Barsoum II of Ma’dan, Maphryono of the East (1454). Timothy copied this book in his elegant handwriting, assisted by one Yeshu’ of Qusur, in 1713. 13) Severus Elias, metropolitan of Edessa (1718-1738). Severus was a native of Mardin. His father was Yuanna, of the Akhras family, from which came his brother, Metropolitan Severus ‘Abd al-Ahad, who succeeded him in the See of Edessa (1757); Cyrial Elias, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Abhai (1782-1791); and Cyril Shim’un, metropolitan of Edessa (1806-1817). He become a monk at rhe Za’faran Monastery and was ordained a priest. He joined the office of Patriarch Ishaq, who ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Edessa and called him Severus at his ordination. He succeeded Metropolitan Severus Iliyya of Amid in 1718. Severus Elias was present at the election of Patriarch Shukr Allah in 1738. After serving his diocese for twenty years, he passed away in 1738 and was buried in the Great Church in Edessa. 14) Dioscorus Aho, metropolitan of the Jazira (1718-?). Dioscorus Aho became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery and was ordained a priest in 1711. Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan for Jazirat ibn ‘Umar and called him Dioscorus at his ordination in 1718. We have no knowledge of how many years he served or the date of his death. 15) Gregorius ‘Abd al-Ahad, metropolitan of Jerusalem (1719-1731). Gregorius ‘Abd al-Ahad was the son of the priest ‘Abd Allah of Amid. He was born in Diyarbakr and became a monk at the Monastery of the Sayyida (Virgin Mary) in Hattakh, where he was also ordained a priest. In 1705, he became a superior of the Za’faran Monastery. After serving for fourteen years as a superior, he gained renown for his good conduct and administrative ability. Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan for Jerusalem in 1719, to succeed Gregorius Shim’un, and called him Gregorius at his ordination. He was renowned for his pastoral zeal and especially for the renovation of the Monastery of St. Mark, his Metropolitan Seat. In 1726, he deputized the monk Yuhanna of Aleppo as superior of St. Mark. After serving his diocese for twelve years, he departed this life on February 13, 1731, and was buried in the Church of the Forty (Martyrs) in Mardin. The date of his death is inscribed on his tomb. He was among the metropolitans who attended the election of Shukr Allah as a patriarch 16) Iyawannis Karas, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Benam (1722-1747). Karas was one of the most distinguished men of his time for sanctity and godliness. He was born in the village of Beth Khudaida (modern Qaraqosh) in the province of Mosul. His father was Behnam or Marbena, son of Yaghmur, and his mother was Zina. He had two brothers -- the priest Yeshu’ and Saliba -- and four sisters, Helena, Sida, Sultana and Qusno. One of his relatives was Quryaqos of Khudayda, who resided in Mosul and was a relative of Dionysius Behnam Samarji, metropolitan of Mosul (1867-1911). Karas was born around 1620. As a young man he studied the Syriac language and church sciences under the priest Yalda. In 1689, he entered the Monastery of Mar Behnam near his village and devoted himself to the study of spiritual sciences and monastic life. He was ordained a deacon in 1706 and assumed the monastic habit (as a novice). Meantime, he acquired a good knowledge of the Syriac language. For his spiritual virtue and activity, Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a metropolitan for the Monastery of Mar Behnam in 1722, calling him Iyawannis Karas at his ordination In the next year, he attended the synod at the Za’faran Monastery (the Patriarchal Seat) for the election of Patriarch Shukr Allah, whom he endorsed. He administered his diocese for twenty-five years with apostolic zeal. In 1742, he endured the horrors of the warfare of the Persian Tahmasb Khan, known as Nadir Shah, who attacked Mosul and then Baghdad. While most of the people of Khudayda (Qaraqosh) fled to Mosul for refuge, Karas remained in his village with some natives. The Syrian people deposited their belongings and firewood at the Church of the Virgin. When the Persian army arrived in the village, they cast fire into the church and destroyed it with the books and furnishings. When the people of Mosul defeated the Persian enemy, the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud I issued a decree permitting the Christians to rebuild their ruined churches. Accordingly, the Syrian people of Mosul rebuilt eight churches, including the Church of Mar Tuma (St. Thomas), by the efforts of Metropolitan Cyril Jirjis son of ‘Abd al-Jalil of Mosul; the Church of al-Tahira (The Virgin Mary) in the Qal’a district, by the effort of the notable ‘Isa the Syrian in 1744; and the outer Church of al-Tahira, near the ‘Imadi Gate. Metropolitan Karas also endeavored to rebuild the Church of Mar Sarjis and Bakus in Qaraqosh. As crops were meager in that year, and hunger and hardships followed in the aftermath of the war, the metropolitan advised the people of the village (Qaraqosh) to go out into the open country and gather dry grass and chaff. They gathered abundant amounts of chaff to fire the gypsum needed for building. Hardly had they finished the work when the chaff became exhausted. They reported the situation to Metropolitan Karas. Karas spent the night praying, weeping and asking the Lord for divine help in order to finish the building of the church. God, may He be praised, answered the metropolitan’s supplication by sending a strong wind which blew large quantities of chaff and straw from faraway places to where the church stood. In the morning the people saw what had happened and began to praise God. They gathered the straw and used it for firing the gypsum. Thus, they completed the building of the church in 1744. Also, by the great care of Metropolitan Karas, the people of Qaraqos rebuilt the Church of the Virgin, whose beauty was marred by fire, as was said earlier. The metropolitan had already built the Churches of Mar Zaina and Mar Andrew in 1738. In 1739, he had a large cistern dug near the Church of Mar Gurgis and fortified it with bricks and stones. He prayed, and God filled the cistern with sweet water to the brim. The metropolitan donated money for this work from his own monastery. [Ba Khudayda (Beth Khudayda) is a large village near Mosul. In 1747, it had twenty-one priests and eighty deacons serving six churches. In the possession of the Syrian Orthodox were the Churches of Mar Sarjis and Bakus, and St. Shmuni the Maccabean and her martyred children, and a monastery near the village, some of whose buildings are in ruins. The Churches of the Virgin, Mar Zaina, and Mar Andrew were usurped by a seceding group (Syrian Catholics).] This church dignitary was well known for noble character, praiseworthy deeds, and helping the needy. Quite often, he sacrificed his own money and lawful rights to assist the afflicted and the poor. He had a tremendous reputation for goodness, piety and devotion. He was an example for his parishioners, whom he taught to seek refuge in God. His reputation was so praiseworthy that after his death accounts of it survived till our time. The most exclusive account of him was revealed to us by the priest ‘Abd al-Ahad of Khudayda (1864-1910). He (may God have mercy on him) was a pious and pure soul. Karas departed to his Lord to receive the lot of the righteous on Resurrection Day, April 20, 1747. He was buried in the tomb of the bishops at the Monastery of Mar Behnam. On his tomb was inscribed an epitaph in Syriac verse. He lived seventy-seven years, most of which spent in the service of God. We came upon many of the books copied in his own handwriting in Mosul and its environs. 17) Basilius Gurgis, ecumenical bishop (1722-1745). Basilius Gurgis was a son of Shim’un of Edessa, nephew of the Patriarch of Antioch ‘Abd al-Masih I (1662-1686). He was born in Edessa at the end of the seventeenth century and became a novice monk at the Za’faran Monastery, where he also was ordained a priest. He studied under Patriarch Ishaq, who, after testing his aptitude, ordained him a metropolitan in 1722. In the next year, along with other bishops, he attended the synod which elected Patriarch Shukr Allah. The new patriarch, who assigned him the diocese of Aleppo, changed his name to Dionysius, following the tradition of his predecessors, for bishops of Aleppo had used this name since the last decade of the sixteenth century. Basilius administered his diocese for eighteen years, following the path of righteousness, until he ascended the Patriarchal Throne in 1745. The rest of his account will follow shortly. . Ignatius Shukr Allah, Patriarch of Antioch Shukr Allah ascended the patriarchal throne in July, 1722, and passed away on Sunday, September 15, 1745. His patriarchal period was twenty-three years, one month, and twenty six days. He was seventy-one years old. Shukr Allah was son of Maqdisi Yuhanna, son of Ni’mat Allah San’ia. In his family flourished his two nephews, Gregorius Barsoum, metropolitan of Jerusalem (1729-1737), and Cyril Gurgis, metropolitan of Mardin and then Amid (1730-1747), and their nephew the priest Iliyaa (Elijah), son of Yuhanna Sani’a, a priest of the Church of Shmuni the Maccabean in Mardin. Iliyya was ordained a deacon in June, 1746 by Patriarch Jirjis III, and a priest by the Maphryono Gurgis III on March 7, 1764. He was still living in 1767 Patriarch Shukr Allah was born in Mardin around 1674. The account of his early life has been recorded earlier; in his youth he became a monk and was ordained a priest. He was attached to Patriarch Ishaq and accompanied him on his wearisome journeys to Constantinople and other places to obtain permission from the Ottoman sultans to rebuild the churches of Mardin in 1701. He was ordained by Patriarch Ishaq a metropolitan for the diocese of Aleppo, with the name of Dionysius. Furthermore, this earlier account included his commendable endeavor in building the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem, assisted by Metropolitan Shim’un, at the end of 1717 and the beginning of the next year. He endured hardships during his banishment to the island of Arwad for his defense of the orthodox faith in 1720. [See no. 5 of the Fifth year, 254] His achievements as a metropolitan included regulating the table of movable and immovable feasts to determine the dates of Lent and of movable major feasts, in response to the order of Patriarch Ishaq. For this project, Shukr Allah chose an expert clergyman from his own diocese, the Chorepiscopus Economus Yuhanna, son of Maqdisi Mansur of Homs (1698-1718?). He (Shukr Allah) abridged the table in order to render it easy to use. He introduced it with a preface written in a firm style. It began thus: “Thanks be to God, who enlightened the minds of men by the soundness of faith.” Most likely he regulated it in 1714. [A copy is at our Library attached to The Lamp of Sanctuaries (by Bar Hebraeus). Another copy is at the British Museum, MS 725.] Upon the resignation of Patriarch Ishaq because of old age, a synod met at the Za’faran Monastery, comprised of Mar Basilius Shim’un, Maphryono of Tur ‘Abdin and the Jazira; Gregorius ‘Abd al-Ahad, metropolitan of Jerusalem; Athanasius Aslan, metropolitan of Amid; Gregorius Ayyub (Job), metropolitan of the diocese of Mar Abhai (Gargar); Timothy ‘Isa, metropolitan of the Za’faran Monastery and Mardin; Severus Elias, metropolitan of Edessa; Basilus Gurgis, metropolitan of the patriarchal office; and Basilius Ibrahim, formerly bishop of Bushairiyya, and others. The bishops chose, by consent of the resigning patriarch, Dionysisus Shukr Allah, metropolitan of Aleppo, as a patriarch. Maphryono Shimu’n acted as the ordainer and master of the consecration ceremony. Shukr Allah was ordained a Patriarch of Antioch, assuming the name Ignatius Shukr Allah, at the Church of Mar Hananya on July 20, 1722. After the ceremony ended, Iyawannis Karas, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Behnam and Ba Khudayda (Qaraqosh), arrived and added his vote to that of the holy synod and signed the document of the election of the new patriarch. The inscription on the seal of the patriarch read thus: “Ignatius Shukr Allah, the weak, Patriarch of Antioch.” It was followed in Arabic by the words, “My good fortune is in the hands of God, of whom I, Patriarch Shukr Allah, am only a servant, 1723.” [ We have already mentioned in the biography of Patriarch Ishaq that he resigned his position in 1723 after serving fourteen years and six months. We said this relying on the date of Patriarch Shukr Allah’s seal. However, after full scrutiny of this subject, we found that the correct date was not 1723 but 1722, and that although the date on the seal was obviously clear, it was inscribed after the issuance of the sultan’s decree of investiture. Therefore, the period of the service of Patriarch Ishaq was thirteen years, five months and twelve days.] The new patriarch obtained the decree of investiture from Sultan Ahmad III in the year 1136 of the Islamic calendar/1723 A. D. He devoted attention to the management of the holy church with avid vigor and zeal, following in the footsteps of his predecessor. In the next year, he convened a synod at Amid to regulate the document of faith which began thus: “Praise be to God, who enhanced the position of those in charge to train his congregation.” [Manchester, MSS Mingana, 460 and 495.] The manuscripts of Edessa, which were transferred to Aleppo, contain a manifesto of the creed which he wrote in 1716, while still a bishop, to explain the veracity of the faith of the Syrian Orthodox Church, in response to the request of some Syrian notables in Jerusalem. This manifesto was endorsed by Patriarch Ishaq upon his visit to Aleppo in 1718. Patriarch Shukr Allah appointed the deacon Saliba, son of Tumajan of Edessa, as his deputy in Constantinople. Tumajan was an active man, endowed with elegant Arabic handwriting. [Deacon Tumajan was a pupil of Patriarch Shukr Allah. He was ordained a deacon before 1724 and died in 1746. We came upon two books he transcribed in Syriac and in Garshuni (Arabic written in Syriac script), dated 1724 and 1726. One of them was dedicated to the Chorepiscopus Yeshu’ Hamzo of Qutrubul (d. 1758). Tumajan donated to the church of Edessa the magnificent Book of the Eastern Homologia (Confession of Faith), handwritten by the deacon ‘Abd Allah of Bartulli, which he copied for the Metropolitan Gabriel of Bartulli of blessed memory.] Patriarch Shukr Allah resided mostly in Diyarbakr. In 1723, he assisted Metropolitan Basilius Gurgis of Aleppo, of the diocese of Diyarbakr, in building the Monastery of Mar Quryaqus in Bushairiyya. In 1728, he renovated the nave and altars of the Za’faran Monastery and furnished and decorated the Patriarchal chapel. He adorned its nave and consecrated it in the names of the Apostles Peter and Paul. Also, he restored its vineyards and built stone hedges around them. In 1734, he devoted most of his time to the building of the Monastery of the Prophet Mar Iliyya (Elijah) near the village of Qanqart, in the province of Diyarbakr. He renovated its cells, rooms, and utilities. He devised a project to cause the water of the western spring to flow to the foot of the mountain, to make it easy for the monastery to benefit from it. He accomplished this project in one full year, 1735. [See an article we wrote later about the history of this monastery.] In 1725, he had the rights of the Church of Mar Tuma (Thomas) at the village of Qutrubul legally registered, with the agreement of the eight priests of the church and the village notables. His intention was to settle the debts incurred by the churches at that time. He did this once more in 1729. He summoned the priests and urged them to regulate the income of the church’s revenues yielded by endowment properties and religious services. He separated this revenue from their individual incomes. In 1728, he revived the tithes of the Za’faran Monastery, which he received through special patriarchal plate collections by the Church of Qal’at al-Imra’a, in addition to collections and portions of the income yielded by major festivals and religious services. He also appointed a deputy to collect and regulate the fees of religious services and the yield of the endowments of its church. He then paid a pastoral visits to the diocese of Mosul, the Monastery of Mar Matta, the Monastery of Mar Behnam, and Bushairiyya. Patriarch Shukr Allah obtained a certificate of investiture in his own name form Sultan Ahmad III. This investiture, dated 6 Rabi’ al-Akhir, 1135 of the Islamic calendar/1723 A. D., was addressed to the (Muslim) judge of Hisn Kifa, for the purpose of exempting the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos in Zarjal from fees and tithes. Also, he obtained a second certificate of investiture from the same sultan dated 24 Shawwal, 1141/June, 1739, addressed to the Wali (governor) of Damascus and its judge, to protect the Monastery of Mar Julian in the village of al-Qaryatain and stop anyone from interfering in its affairs or committing an act of aggression against it.[Source: the records of the Za’faran Monastery.] Realizing that his flock was ignorant of the Syriac language and that certain heresies had spread within it, Patriarch Shukr Allah endeavored to enlighten the clergy and laymen by the dissemination of religious knowledge. He searched Syriac theological books and selected what he found profitable, and ordered the efficient teacher-monk ‘Abd al-Nur, son of Ni’mat Allah of Amid, to translate them into Arabic. ‘Abd al-Nur translated the books of the learned Mar Moses Bar Kifa, bishop of Baremman and Mosul (d. 903), including his treatises on the Soul, Resurrection, Paradise, and Angels, and a treatise on the Devils by the learned Iyawaanis, metropolitan of Dara (860). He spent a large amount of money to accomplish this project. The translator finished the work in 1729, and the translated books were circulated (among the Syrians). Some of them were copied by chief clerics and monks. [MSS in Diyarbakr and ‘Arans in Tur ‘Abdin] ‘Abd al-Nur also translated in 1723 the book entitled The Cause of all Causes, by an anonymous Edessan bishop. [Some writers have erroneously ascribed this book to Mar Jacob of Edessa.] Likewise, Metropolitan Athanasius Aslan of Amid copied a thick volume of the Commentary on Divine Mysteries by Bar Kifa and other learned fathers of the church in 1726. The compiler of the roster of bishops said that Patriarch Shukr Allah encountered at Amid a Chaldean patriarch, a follower of the Latins (Roman Catholics), deceiving simple folks of the church. He opposed him and complained to the government about his actions. The government cast him into prison and then sent him into exile. Ten years later the Chaldean patriarch returned to Amid. This time, however, he abstained from adversary actions and won the patriarch’s favor. [This Chaldean patriarch, called Yusuf Marrogi, took charge of the Chaldeans in Amid in 1714. He began to sow the seeds of sedition in 1728, and for this reason he was imprisoned and then went to Rome in 1731. He returned to Amid in 1741 and passed away in 1759.] After administering the church of God for twenty-three years and fifty-seven days, Mar Shukr Allah departed to his Lord on Sunday September 15, 1745. His funeral service was undertaken by Metropolitan Gregorius Tuma of Jerusalem. He was buried next to the tomb of Patriarch ‘Abd al-Masih I at the mausoleum of the fathers, outside the Rum Gate west of Amid. On his grave the word of his death was inscribed in Garshuni as follows: “Patriarch Shukr Allah is transported from this world of misery to a joyful and eternal abode on September 15, 2056 of the Greeks /1745 A. D. May God have mercy on him. Amen.” The burial in a common cemetery of these two great dignitaries, Patriarch Shukr Allah and Patriarch Jirjis III, was due to difficult circumstances, especially the tyranny of the rulers of that time. Patriarch Shukr Allah was seventy-one years old, having spent most of them in the service of God and his flock. After his death, the Apostolic See became vacant for twenty-eight days. In his time, the king of Persia twice attacked the cities of Mosul and Mardin. The first was in 1732; the Persian army was commanded by the Vizier Turkus Khan, who devastated the populated villages and destroyed the Nestorian Monastery of Sa’id. The natives of Mosul fought back and defeated his army, which took flight. The next time, King Nadir Shah, or Tahmasb Shah, who was formerly known as Quli Khan, marched in 1734 with a great army. First, he attacked the cities of Kirkuk and Arbil, and many villages of the province of Mosul. He never hesitated to commit tyrannical acts of looting, killing and burning. When he reached Mosul, he cast many cannonballs against it, but the people, due to the excellent administration of the Wali (governor) Hajj Husayn Pasha al-Jalili of Mosul [The Jalilis have successively ruled Mosul for one hundred and fifty years. Twelve walis arose from amongst them, beginning with Isma’il Pasha and ending with Amin Pasha II (1724-1846).], resisted him heroically, a fact that stunned the enemy and forced Tahmasb to quit attacking the city. He departed for Jazirat ibn ‘Umar and played havoc by looting, killing, and taking captives. He returned once more to Mosul, but this time failed to capture it. He fled, having lost 5400 soldiers. The natives of Mosul lost only a few men. Tahmasb signed a peace with the people of Mosul and departed. The triumph of the people was ascribed to a great miracle by the Virgin Mary (who defended the city). For this reason the churches of Mosul were rebuilt. [The author of Qamus al-A’lam (Dictionary of Prominent Men), Vol. 6, says that Nadir Shah was the son of a shepherd from the tribe of Afshar in Khurasan. He was born in 1687 and followed his father as a shepherd. He gathered friends around him and proceeded to intercept and pillage caravans. He succeeded in capturing Khurasan and expelling the Afghanis from Isfahan and installed Tahmasb II on the throne of the Safawids, his ancestors. He became Tahmasb’s Vizier, and then removed him and installed in his place his son Abbas III. Upon Abbas’s death, Tahmasb succeeded him on the throne and called himself Nadir Shah Tahmasb. He conquered Afghanistan and Baluchistan, then marched against India and captured Delhi. He was not known for his justice or administrative ability. He died in 1747 and was succeeded by some weaklings of his posterity, namely ‘Adil Shah and Ibrahim. Finally, his family existed no more.] Patriarch Shukr Allah had a melodious voice. He was one of the best fathers who strove to enliven the religious conscience of the Syrian Orthodox people. He was courageous and very patient in enduring harm. He benefited the church by word and deed. He composed twenty-four homilies, some of them when he was a metropolitan. He wrote them in Arabic in an unrefined style similar to that used by his contemporaries, who were not well versed in this language. He also composed some religious songs. He built the Church of Mar Theodorus in the village of Mansuriyya with the assistance of Timothy ‘Isa of Mosul, metropolitan of Mardin, and consecrated it in 1729. Further, he built other churches, including those of Saints Mar Zaina and Andrew in Qaraqosh, with the help of the priest Abd al-Masih of Khudayda in 1738; the Church of Mar Sarjis and Bachus, also in Qaraqosh, with the help of Iyawannis Karas, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Behnam in 1744; the two Churches of al-Tahira (The Virgin Mary) and Mar Tuma (Thomas) in Mosul in 1744; the Church of Mar Saba, in the eastern part of the village of Khankah, in 1742; and the Church of Mar Gurgis, in the village of Randwan (Ridwan), in 1744 [These last two churches are located at the plain of Bahmard.]; and the Church of Mar Theodorus the martyr, in Sadad, in 1745, which was renovated in 1885. He consecrated the Holy Chrism at the monastery of the Patriarchal Seat (the Za’faran Monastery) and donated to it a Gospel in the handwriting of the priest ‘Abd al-Nur of Amid. Finally, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained seventeen chief priests, two of whom became maphryonos. They were as follows: 1) Dioscorus ‘Abd al-Nur, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Musa (1725-1731). Dioscorus ‘Abd al-Nur was the son of Hidaya of Aleppo. He became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Musa the Abyssinian in al-Nabk, where he was elevated to the office of the priesthood before 1717. He studied under Patriarch Shukr Allah when he was still a metropolitan and accompanied him on a visit to Jerusalem in 1717. When the See of the Monastery of Mar Musa became vacant, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him a metropolitan and called him Dioscorus ‘Abd al-Nur at his ordination. It is also said that he called him Cyril after July, 1725. Dioscorus ‘Abd al-Nur served his diocese for seven or eight years and was still living on June 11, 1731. He may have died in that year or in 1732. We came upon some books written by him on Baptism, the Consecration of Weddings, and the Sacrament of Unction, at the church of Aleppo. They were written in his rather average handwriting, and completed in 1724. 2) Dioscorus Sarukhan, ecumenical bishop and then bishop of the Monastery of Mar Musa (1727-1769). Dioscorus Sarukhan was born in Mardin in 1659. His father was ‘Abd Yeshu’. (This is according to a copy of the Old Testament in bad Garshuni script found in a shop at the town of Zakho, Iraq, dated 1712. At that time he was a deacon and had lived 52 years. See the Za’faran MS, No. 4.] Sarukhan acquired a smattering of church sciences and was ordained a deacon before 1702. Upon becoming a widower, he renounced the world and desired the life of piety. He entered the Za’faran Monastery and was ordained a novice monk and then a priest before 1716. He pursued a life of virtue, which led Patriarch Shukr Allah to ordain him a bishop with the name of Dioscorus Sarukhan at his ordination in 1727. He was sixty-eight years old when the signs of old age began to appear on his features. When the diocese of al-Nabk became vacant with the death of its shepherd, Metropolitan ‘Abd al-Nur of Aleppo, the patriarch entrusted Sarukhan with its administration in 1722. He managed the diocese efficiently for thirty-seven years. He followed commendable rules of life and left a memorable legacy in the monastery, where he trained a group of monks, five of whom became metropolitans. But hardships, suffering, affliction, adversity and persecution did not deter him from putting his life into proper order, nor did they diminish his determination, even in old age . Once he was evicted from his metropolitan office for two years and resided at Sadad, but then returned to his monastery. The first thing he did was to restore Julius Zmaria to his office as bishop of the Monastery of Mar Julian, after he was deprived of his episcopacy for many years. (See Year 5, No. 3, p. 143 of this magazine.) Dioscorus Sarukhan, may God be gracious to him, was diligent in prayer and fasting. He loathed the hoarding of money. He loved the poor and the miserable. He was compassionate toward the afflicted, the orphans, and the widows. He never sent away hungry those who came to his door. Neither did he send anyone who asked for help empty-handed. For this reason, his contemporaries described him as the refuge of the poor, the troubled, and the strangers. And when Metropolitan Cyril Jirjis, of the Monastery of Mar Julian and Homs, was transferred to the diocese of Jerusalem in 1748, his diocese was incorporated into that of Sarukhan. Sarukhan ordained many deacons and priests, three of them for the church of Aleppo. He died on February 11, 1769, being a hundred and ten years old, forty-two of which were spent as a chief priest. He was buried at the southern part of the Church of Mar Sarjis and Bachus, with no date on his tombstone. He was elegized by his loyal student, Bishop Ibrahim al-Yaziji of Sadad, in an ode composed in the Ephramite (seven-syllabic) meter. It begins thus: “In the year 2080 of the Greeks/1769 A. D.” To the north wing of the altar of the Church of Mar Sarkis is fixed a portrait of Sarukhan, with his name inscribed beneath it. It shows that he, may God be compassionate to him, was short of stature but handsome. He appeared to wear a turban, actually a long fez wrapped by several folds of shawl. We were told by more than one native of Sadad that the portraits of saints and fathers that adorn the Churches of Mar Sarkis and Mar Jirjis were drawn by Metropolitan Sarukhan. But we think that the artist was Bishop Ibrahim al-Yaziji, as we shall mention later in his biography. It is unlikely that a man as old as Metropolitan Sarukhan was able to draw portraits. 3) Gregorius Li’azar, metroploitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta (1728-1730). Gregorius Li’azar was born in Mosul. His father, the priest Yaqub, and his grandfather, the Maqdisi ‘Azar, have already been mentioned. Gregorius was the nephew of Patriarch Ishaq and of Maphryono Matta II, of blessed memory. After he had received education in church sciences, his uncle Patriarch Ishaq ordained him a deacon for the Church of Mar Tuma in 1720. He then became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Matta. He was ordained a priest by his uncle the Maphryono Matta II, and then became abbot of this monastery. Upon the death of the maphryono, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained Li’azar, at the Za’faran Monastery, as metropolitan for the Monastery of Mar Matta and called him Gregorius Li’azar at his ordination on the Day of Annunciation, March 25, 1728. After he had served his diocese for two years and six months, the patriarch ordained him a Maphryono of the East, as shall be seen later. 4) Julius Barsoum, ecumenical metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office (1729-1737). Julius Barsoum Sani’a was the nephew of Patriarch Shukr Allah. He was born in Mardin and became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Hananya (Za’faran Monastery) where he acquired religious sciences. After he had served as a monk for a period of time, his uncle, the patriarch, ordained him an ecumenical metropolitan and called him Julius Barsoum in 1729. On his insignia was inscribed the following: “Julius Barsoum, Ecumenical Metropolitan: O Eternal One, have mercy on Metropolitan Barsoum. 1729." Upon the death of Gregorius ‘Abd al-Ahad, metropolitan of Jerusalem, the patriarch chose Julius Barsoum to fill the vacant see of Jerusalem. He changed his name to Gregorius, according to the accepted tradition at that time, in the middle of 1731. He administered his diocese for two years and died in 1737. His name is inscribed on the Holy of Holies of the Monastery of St. Mark, gilded with gold which was donated by the Maqdisi Barsoum of Aleppo, the Syrian, in 1723. May God have mercy on him. [St. Mark MS 212, containing the history of the Monastery.] 5) Cyril Gurgis, ecumenical Metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office (1730-1747). Gurgis Sani’a was a nephew of Patriarch Shukr Allah and a brother of Metropolitan Gregorius Barsoum. He was born and raised in Mardin. He desired the monastic life and became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Hananya, and was ordained a priest. We found his name among the monks of the monastery in 1727. In 1730 his uncle, the patriarch, ordained him a metropolitan for the Patriarchal Office and called him Cyril Gurgis at his ordination. The patriarch entrusted him with the administration of the monastery of the Patriarchal Seat (the Za’faran Monastery) and Mardin in 1734, after transferring his predecessor Metropolitan Timothy ‘Isa to the Monastery of Mar Matta. Cyril administered his diocese for nine years, up to 1743. We found in the Office of Ordinations at the Za’faran Monastery, MS 222, a statement that Cyril ordained seventeen priests and eighty-two deacons for the churches of the Za’faran Monastery, Mardin, and the villages of Qusur, Banabil, Ibrahimiyya and Qellith. Of these deacons, five were ordained for Mosul, and two for the churches of Edessa and Kharput from 1730 to 1745. In 1739, he had a big silver cross made for the Church of St. Asya at the village of Mansuriyya, whose priests were Safar, Isbahan and Habib. [This information is taken from a copy of the Gospel at the Church of Mansuriyya.] His insignia were inscribed only in Syriac. In October, 1745, he attended the synod convened at Diyarbakr to elect and instal Jirjis III of Edessa, a patriarch. The new patriarch transferred Cyril to the diocese of Amid, which he administered for two years. He died at Mardin in 1747. 6) Basilius Li’azar, Maphryono of the East.(1730-1759). Basilius Liazar, already mentioned, was metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta. After he had served his diocese for two years and six months, Patriarch Shukr Allah elevated him to the office of the Maphrianate of the East and called him Basilius Li’azar. He was the fourth maphryonon with this name. His ordination ceremony, which took place at the Za’faran Monastery in October, 1730, was attended by Julius Barsoum and Cyril Gurgis, the two metropolitans of the Patriarchal Office. The systaticon (document of election) authorized him as a Maphryono of Mosul, with its two Churches of Mar Tuma and al-Tahira (the Virgin), together with the churches of Bartulli, Ba’shiqa, Bahzani, Summail, and Zakho [The village of Summail was heavily populated by Syrians. In it, the deacon Denha, son of the priest Behnam of Bartulli, transcribed the book of grammar written in verse by the Metropolitan Yaqub Shakko (Shabbo) of Bartulli in 1677. Also at the same village, the martyr Metropolitan Rizq Allah of Mosul, while still a monk, copied the Service Book of Passion Week for the Church of Bartulli in 1736. The church of Zakho was named after the Virgin Mary, and a deacon was ordained for it in 1783. It was mentioned by Patriarch Yunan in his letter to Metropolitan Musa of the Monastery of Mar Matta on September 16, 1817. A man told us that he saw a book of ordinations in Vienna, capital of Austria, which mentioned the churches of the villages of Summail and the Qadiyya. The people of Bartulli told us that all the Syrian natives of Summail removed to Bartulli, as did the natives of the village of Basakhraya.], except the Monasteries of Mar Matta and Mar Behnam, which were bishopric sees. He was made a maphryono with the proviso that he should not ordain a metropolitan or clothe a monk with the monastic habit without first consulting with the patriarch. [We found this systaticon in 1911, but, like other books, it was damaged.] Basilius proceeded to his diocese, where he resided most of the time at the Church of Mar Ahodemeh in Mosul, and sometimes at the Monastery of Mar Matta. In his time the countries of the East were afflicted with many adversities, the worst of which was the campaign of Nadir Shah Tahmasb Khan, king of the Persians, against Mosul in the summer of 1743. It ended in the triumph of the citizens of the city and the defeat of the Persian, as has been mentioned earlier. Then the churches of Mosul, namely, the Church of Mar Tuma, the Church of the Tahira (the Virgin Mary), at the Qal’a district, and the Church of the Virgin Mary outside Mosul, near the ‘Imadi Gate, were renovated in 1744 and 1745. Contemporary historians relate that in 1756 the country of Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia) suffered severe cold weather. The River Tigris froze in the winter, and people and animals crossed over it. Furthermore, Diyarbakr suffered from hunger due to exorbitant prices (of food), and the calamity extended to Mosul. In 1757, swarms of locusts swept the crops at the beginning of the harvest and consumed both dry and green grass. As a result, cattle perished and people scattered throughout the land. .Destitute people dropped dead on the streets from starvation. In the next year (1758), the Muslims usurped the metropolitan office at the Church of Mar Ahodemeh and converted it to a masjid, which still exists. In 1759, the plague created havoc in Mosul and its environs and tens of thousands of people perished. In the fall of this year, Maphriyono Li’azar IV died and was buried, most likely in the grave of his uncle and predecessor Maphryono Matta II at the Church of Mar Tuma, having administered his diocese for twenty-nine years. Neither he nor his successors ordained a bishop except for Gurgis III, in whose time there were seventeen priests in Mosul, eight of them at the Church of Mar Tuma and nine at the church of al-Tahira (the Virgin). 7) Iyawannis Tuma, ecumenical bishop, and then of Damascus (1730-1752). Tuma, son of Denha, was born in Amid but is commonly said to have come from Tur ‘Abdin. His mother was La’la, a native of Amid. Upon becoming a widower, he became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery and devoted himself to the life of asceticism. He was ordained a priest before 1716 and acquired some knowledge of the Syriac language. He was zealous in his study of this language and expressed sorrow at the dispersion of some of its books. He was also distressed over the fact that the Syrians had relinquished Syriac for the Arabic language. He was intent on acquiring and reading Syriac books. In 1722, he kept close to the metropolitan office of Amid, and in 1727 he was appointed a superior of the Za’faran Monastery. At the end of 1730, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him an ecumenical bishop, calling him Iyawannis Tuma at his ordination. Before the following May, he assigned him the diocese of Damascus as a successor to its Bishop, ‘Abd al-Azali, and called him Gregorius. He administered his diocese properly and delivered beneficial spiritual homilies. In 1737, he attended at the Za’faran Monastery the ordination of Metropolitan Jirjis of Aleppo for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Julian. He was at Aleppo in 1749. Iyawannis Tuma translated from Syriac into Arabic the husoyos (supplicatory prayers) for Lent; a copy of this work is at the Church of Mar Gurgis, in the handwriting of the priest Stephen Qaddah, dated 1737. Also, he wrote by hand, in common Arabic, homilies for the whole year. A complete copy of this translation is at the Library of St. Mark, MS 174. It consists of eighty-four homilies. We also found in his handwriting at the same library a translation of the Ethicon of Bar Hebraeus in Garshuni, MS 188, which he finished at the Za’faran Monastery on March 20, 1724. He also copied a Commentary on the Psalms by Daniel of Salah which he completed on February 2, 1730. [ Danile of Salah was a sixth-century father of the church who may have died in 542. See Barsoum, al-Lulu al-Manthur {Scattered Pearls}, 294-295. Tr. ] At Midyat there is a copy of Silah al-Din, by Maphryono Shim’un, which he completed at the village of Rashayya on October 20, 1731. After administering his diocese for some twenty-one years, he passed away at Damascus. I could not find the date of his death, which probably occurred in 1753 or 1754. 8) Athanasius Tuma, metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office and later of Jerusalem (1731-1748). Athanasius Tuma was born in Mosul. His father was Elias al-Banna (mason). He entered the Monastery of Mar Matta and assumed the monastic habit. He studied religious sciences and was ordained a priest shortly before 1710. He was chosen to be the abbot of the monastery for a short time. In 1717 or 1719, he resided at the Monastery of Mar Behnam and then returned to his Monastery of Mar Matta. In 1721, he joined the retinue of Patriarch Ishaq, who sent him to Bedlis to collect the patriarchal tithes. He resided for a while at the Monastery of Mar Iliyya (Elijah), in the neighborhood of Qanqart, in the province of Amid. In 1731, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him an ecumenical metropolitan for the Patriarchal Office and called him Athanasius Tuma. For a while, he resided at the Monastery of Mar Iliyyya and witnessed its renovation, which was completed in 1735 by the assiduous effort of the patriarch, as he himself related. When the See of Jerusalem became vacant with the death of Metropolitan Gregorius Sani’a in 1737, the patriarch assigned Athnasius Tuma to that see and changed his name to Gregorius. He handed him a systaticon (Document of Election or Investiture), signed by the patriarch, together with Metropolitan Timothy ‘Isa, Dionysius Gurgis, metropolitan of Aleppo, and Gregorius Ayyub (Job), metropolitan of Hisn Mansur, in 1738. After losing his See of Jerusalem, Tuma resided at the Za’faran Monastery, as did his late predecessors. In 1745, he witnessed the death of Patriarch Shukr Allah at Amid and was in charge of his funeral. Also, he presided over the synod which elected Patriarch Jirjis III and acted as the ordainer of the new patriarch. In this year (1745), he ordained two priests, Matlub and Abd al-Ahad, for the church of Jazirat ibn ‘Umar. Three years later, in 1748, he passed away and was buried in the Church of Mar Behnam in the mausoleum of the fathers, behind the right wing of the altar. In 1910 we saw his grave, on which was inscribed in raised Garshuni script on lime, “This is the tomb of Metropolitan Tuma.” Tuma served the priesthood ably for seventeen years. At the Monastery of Mar Matta we found (in his own handwriting) a Service Book for the Resurrection Day, Syriac Husoyos for Lent, completed in 1711; the book of The Cause of all Causes in Garshuni script, completed in 1728 in answer to the request of the monk Jirjis al-Fattal of Aleppo (this book is now in the possession of Timothy Tuma, metropolitan of Midyat) and the book of The Chariot of Mysteries, by Maphryono Shim’un which he transcribed at the Za’faran Monastery in 1729. It is now at the Library of Edinburgh College (University). 9) Gregorius Boghos (Paul), ecumenical metropolitan and then of Bushairiyya (1732-1764). Boghos was a native of Gargar. His father was the deacon Harun (Aaron) and his mother, Gulistan (a compound name of Persian-Turkish origin meaning garden flowers). He was called by the Armenian name Boghos because of his mingling with the Armenians of his town. Actually, Boghos means Paul. As a youth he devoted himself to worship. He entered the Za’faran Monastery, where he studied spiritual science, and became a monk around 1719. He spent some time in copying books. We found in his handwriting at the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos a Service Book for the Resurrection Day, which he completed in 1722. At the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem, there is a Book of Ordinations partially copied by him and completed by Metropolitan Yuhanna in 1724. At the Library of Manchester, MS 562, there is The Book of the Questions of Saints Basilius and Gregorius and the book of The Cause of all Causes, which he completed on June 22, 1729. In 1722, Boghos was ordained a metropolitan by Patriarch Shukr Allah and was called Gregorius at his ordination. The patriarch entrusted him with the administration of the diocese of the Bushairiyya around 1737. [We have already mentioned in the biography of Metropolitan Basilius Gurgis, predecessor of Boghos, that Basilius administered his diocese for thirty-one years and died in 1748 (Vol. 5, 144 of this magazine. More correctly, he headed the diocese for thirty years, and resigned, most likely because of old age, in 1737. He died in 1748 as related by some of his contemporaries.] He administered it for twenty-seven years and ordained for it priests and deacons. We found in the Book of Ordinations, already mentioned, that from 1740 to 1757 Gregorius Boghos ordained for his diocese and for the diocese of Bedlis fourteen priests and sixteen deacons. Also, he transcribed a Gospel for the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos, had its covers studded with silver, and bequeathed it as an endowment to the same monastery. He died at his monastery in 1764. Among his students was the Armenian monk Shim’un, who succeeded him as metropolitan of his see. 10) Cyril Faraj Allah, metropolitan of Ma’dan (1732-1756). Cyril was born in Edessa and received religious learning at the Za’faran Monastery, where he also assumed the monastic habit. He was ordained a deacon in 1701 and then a priest. When Patriarch Shukr Allah became sure of his good conduct, he ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Ma’dan and called him Cyril Faraj Allah at his ordination. In 1732 Cyril succeeded Metropolitan Cyril Yeshu’. His insignia reads: “Metropolitan Cyril Faraj Allah, 1732.” He was transferred in 1740 to the diocese of Bedlis, where he resided until 1751. The patriarch transferred him again, to the diocese of Gargar, and changed his name to Gregorius. In September, 1756, Cyril died at Edessa after serving the priesthood for twenty-four years, and was buried in its church. Among his relatives was the priest ‘Isa of the church of Edessa, who was still living in 1759. 11) Cyril Jirjis, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Julian and Homs and later of Jerusalem (1737-1773). Of the late metropolitans of Jerusalem, Cyril was certainly the most prominent church father for his godliness, zeal and learning. More than other fathers, he was distinguished for his deeds, far-reaching aims, and achievements. His father was Maqdisi Elian Fattal, and his grandfather was Maqdisi Yuhanna, nicknamed Ibn al-Musaddi. The Fattal family had been well known in Aleppo since the seventeenth century. Among the relatives of Cyril Jirjis were his cousin the priest Jirjis Fattal (1756) and his cousin (on his mother’s side) the priest Jirjis, son of ‘Ata Allah al-‘Aqil of Aleppo, who was a monk of the Za’faran Monastery in 1720 (according to the book The Cause of all Causes, in the possession of the metropolitan of Tur Abdin), and his nephew, the monk Elias, son of Faraj Allah of Aleppo, abbot of the Monastery of St. Mark (1754-1763). [See the Book of Psalms in Arabic at the Library of Jerusalem, MS 266.] Jirjis was born in Aleppo in the first decade of the eighteenth century. At an early age he showed marks of intelligence and good character and acquired some learning. Determined to abstain from the pleasures of this world, he traveled to the Za’faran Monastery, where he adopted the monastic life and assumed the monastic habit. He devoted himself to the study of church sciences and was ordained a priest. He studied under Patriarch Shukr Allah before 1728. As his virtue and knowledge became well known, the patriarch ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Julian, which included Homs, Hama Sadad, and al-Qaryatain, and called him Cyril Jirjis at his ordination. The ceremony of his ordination was attended by five bishops -- Gregorius Tuma, metropolitan of Jerusalem, Dionysius Gurgis, metropolitan of Aleppo, Cyril Faraj Allah, metropolitan of Ma’dan, Dioscorus Sarukhan, bishop of al-Nabk and the Monastery of Mar Musa, and Gregorius Tuma, bishop of Damascus. His systaticon was signed on December 14, 1727. (This systaticon is still preserved at the Library of the Za’faran Monastery MS 175.) In 1728, the superior of the Monastery of St. Mark, the monk Yuhanna of Aleppo, passed away. The patriarch deputized Cyril Jirjis to take charge of the monastery in addition to his diocese. The management of the diocese of Jerusalem at that time required special care by having a metropolitan to administer it, along with the Monastery of St. Mark, which belonged to it. The metropolitan usually visited the diocese periodically to collect alms and revenues from the religious endowments of the holy church of Zion. He also had the right to reside at the monastery. To alleviate the burden of administration, a second metropolitan for the diocese was required, one who would reside at Jerusalem and act as a deputy of the principal metropolitan. This state of affairs continued, despite the difficulties and the multitude of economic needs of that time, for two hundred and fifty years, from the beginning of the eighteenth century to the middle of the present (twentieth) century. On February 25, 1728, Cyril went to Jerusalem to take charge of the monastery, and immediately set to renovate its church and vessels. He proceeded to deliver homilies to the congregation. Moreover, he exerted great effort to regulate the revenues of the monastery and its religious endowments. Cyril had an iron gate made for the monastery; he paid its cost from his own money in the following manner. In July, 1729, a Muslim named Khayr al-Din, son of Sheikh Hasan al-Ja’uni, came to the monastery at night asking for water. He knocked at the old wooden door, which was already falling apart, but no one responded. He started hitting the door with stones until he smashed it. Fearing that he might be reported to the judge, al-Ja’uni and the relatives who were in his company rushed to the judge on the next day, claiming that when no one opened the door for him, al-Ja’uni insulted the metropolitan, who in turn insulted him, and thus he smashed the door. Appearing before the judge and relating the event as it had happened, the metropolitan found that he was surrounded by false witnesses. The sagacious judge, however, understood the truth about the case and realized that al-Ja’uni’s claim was false. He rejected the case against the metropolitan, based on legal evidence. Meanwhile, al-Ja’uni and his relatives beseeched the metropolitan for pardon. [See the judges’ verdict at the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark, MS 371.] In 1740, Cyril purchased with his own money half of the house located near the Monastery of St. Mark in the district of Sihyoun (Zion) which belonged to the heirs of the deacon Sim’am, son of Ibrahim, and bequeathed it as an endowment to the monastery. [ See the legal document at the library of the Monastery of St. Mark, MS 371.] In the following year he enlarged the reception hall and furnished it with three closets. He also decorated with silver the covers of three Gospels, one of which belonged to the Church of the Resurrection. It was a bequest of the late Metropolitan Athanasius Aslan of Amid. In 1745, he attended at Amid the synod which elected Patriarch Jirjis III of Edessa. In 1747, he succeeded in exempting the monastery from an unjust tax which Ahmad Hindiyya, son of Hajj Muhammad Agha, exacted from the monastery as annual tribute for the occasion of the Muslims’ feast. Evidently, Hindiyya inherited this tribute form his father, who it was said, had acquired it from two men, Abu al-Fadl and ‘Abd al-Nabi, son of sheikh Mustafa al-‘Alami, in 1729, after paying them thirty Egyptian pieces of coin. Metropolitan Cyril Jirjis compensated Ahmad Hindiyya by paying him thirty-four zalatas (certain coins) and removed his name from the register of the feast’s tribute [ MS 204 at the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark]. Having managed the monastery for nine years and a few months, Cyril resigned his position. During this period, however, he ordained eight deacons and three priests for the church of Jerusalem and five deacons and an archdeacon for the church of Aleppo. He designated the monk Abd al-Ahad to replace him and handed him the properties of the monastery and its belongings, all of which have been recorded in a register. After resigning his position, Metropolitan Cyril Jirjis resided for a time at the Za’faran Monastery and at Amid. Meanwhile, the Metropolitan See of Jerusalem became vacant with the death of Gregorius Tuma in 1748, and Patriarch Jirjis III transferred Cyril to that see. Immediately, he journeyed to Jerusalem and then to Egypt proper and to Upper Egypt, to visit the monastics and their monasteries and to collect alms from the orthodox believers for the renovation of the Monastery (of St. Mark) in Jerusalem. The orthodox believers received him with eagerness and honor. It happened that some schismatics, who held the doctrine that the two natures of Christ were still separated after their union in the Incarnation, challenged him. [That is, they challenged his belief, held by the Syrian and the Coptic Churches, that, in the Incarnation, the two natures of Christ became one and could no longer be separated. Tr.]. When Cyril Jirjis saw that he had to answer them, he called for meetings to debate the question with the Jesuit monk Anton in the presence of his superior, monk Paul. The meetings were held in Egypt (probably Cairo), Upper Egypt, the town of Sadafa, the native town of Sheikh ‘Izz al-Din, and at Akhmim, Jurja, and Farshout. [ Jurja is still a bishopric see. We have copied the above information from the account of Cyril himself, as shall be seen later.] The debate at Jurja was held at the house of the Orthodox Copt Mu’allim Jirjis, who invited Cyril to dinner. Cyril debated his opponent (The Jesuit Anton) constantly from morning to evening and explainrf the veracity of the doctrine of the One Incarnate Nature of Christ, based on the teaching of St. Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444). Padre Anton was defeated, to the great joy of the Copts and the Syrians of Jurja. Cyril Jurjis then returned to the residence of Anba Cyril, bishop of Jurja. On the next day Mu’allim Nakhla, an adherent of the Latin (Roman Catholic) faith, invited him to a debate. He was attended by Coptic priests and about fifty lay men. The debaters examined copies of the letters of St. Cyril, and the debate ended with the failure of the padre. When this magnanimous father of the church returned to Jerusalem, he rebuilt the Monastery of St. Mark, spending on the project a thousand zur mahbub [ See the History of St. Mark. Zur mahbub is an ancient form of money put in circulation at the beginning of the seventeenth century.], an amount estimated at four or five hundred golden liras. Then he visited the Syrian lands to collect the tithes of his see and the donations of believers. He was very zealous in protecting the interests of the Holy City (Jerusalem). Meanwhile, he enlightened the Syrian people with his homilies and sound teaching. During his trips he ordained fifteen priests and sixty deacons for the churches of Aleppo, Homs, Hama, Sadad, al-Qaryatain, and Ba Khudaida (Qaraqosh) in a period of four years (1757-1761). Among these clergy were eight priests and thirty deacons whom he ordained for the churches of Qaraqosh in one day. [ See The Order of Ordinations at the Library of the Monastery of Za’faran, MS 221.] He stayed in Aleppo for two years (1755-1757), administering its diocese, which was then without a metropolitan (according to a Service Book in Aleppo, as related by the deacon Abd Allah al-Shidyaq). From Aleppo he journeyed to Mosul in 1761, and upon his return to his diocese, he ordained fourteen deacons for the church of Edessa in 1764. In 1768, Cyril attended the synod convened at Amid to elect Patriarch Jirjis IV, of Mosul. He was the ordainer of the new patriarch at the Za’faran Monastery. He persevered in administering his diocese with apostolic zeal until he was called home by his Lord on May 27, 1773. He was buried in the mausoleum of the fathers at the Za’faran Monastery, as was reported by the deacon ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Azar of Aleppo, his contemporary and a native of his city. [This information is taken from the book entitled Diryaq al-Uqul (The Antidote of Minds) by the priest Abu al-Khayr Ibn Abi al-Tayyib, a twelfth-century Coptic learned man, in the handwriting of the deacon ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Azar and dated 1746. ‘Azar recorded in it dates of the death of twenty chief priests in his own time. It is now in the possession of the ‘Azar family in Aleppo.] He was seventy years old. He served the priesthood for thirty six years and six months. He was of commanding stature, venerable, and endowed with a melodious voice. He gained a good name and a noble remembrance among the good fathers of the church. May God be gracious to him and make the heavenly bliss his final abode. Cyril wrote, in average quality, a book entitled Al-I’tiqad al-Sahih fi Tajassud al-Masih (The True Belief in the Incarnation of Christ). It opened with his debates with Padre Anton, from which we quoted the above account. In this book he included The Nicene Creed, An Account of the Council of Chalcedon, and Mar Dioscorus. Then he recorded his debates (with Padre Anton) and the testimonies of the earlier fathers of the church, and refuted the Council of Chalcedon and the universal authority of the pope. The book consisted of 300 pages. He began writing it in Egypt and completed it at Aleppo. Soon copies of it were spread throughout the countries. It stands as a testimony of his profound knowledge of the Scriptures and church history. A copy of this book is at our Library, and three more copies are at the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark, MSS 147 and 148. Together with Patriarch Jirjis III, Cyril shared the expenses of the transcription of The Commentary on the Gospel by Bar Salibi, which was translated into Arabic by the monk Abd al-Nur of Amid, whom he assisted in standardizing its language in 1755. Viscount Philip Tarrazi, in his al-Salasil al-Tarikiyya, claims that in 1769, Cyril Jirjis converted to Catholicism and resided at the Monastery of Raghm in Lebanon, where he died in 1778. Tarrazi goes on to say that Cyril abdicated his See of Jerusalem to someone called Shukr Allah Jarwa. [See Viscount Philip de Tarrazi, al-Salasil al-Taikiyya fir Asaqifat al-Abrashiyyat al-Suryaniyya (Historical Tables of the Bishops of Syrian Doceses: Beirut, al-Matba’a al-Adabbiyya, 1910), 85-87. Since Tarrazi is a member of the Syrian Catholic sect that seceded from the mother Syrian Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century, he is, most unfortunately, prejudicial and often incorrect in the information presented in his book about the history and the fathers of the Syrian Orthodox Church. Later, he tried somehow to be more objective, probably intending to redress his former prejudices in his book, Asqaq Ma Kan An Tarikh Lubnan Wa Safha Min Akhbar al-Syrian, 3 vols. (Beirut, 1948) Tr.] What Tarrazi says, however, is groundless and derived from incorrect sources. The truth is what we have said about Cyril Jirjis in his biography. For more evidence (that he did not convert to Catholicism), we contend that: 1) We have in the patriarchal Library a systaticon of Cyril Musa, bishop of the Monastery of Musa in al-Nabk, who was ordained in 1771, dated January 15, 1771, bearing the seal of our Cyril Jirjis, beginning in both Syriac and Arabic.as follows: “By God’s mercy, Jurjis, metropolitan of the noble city of Jerusalem,” followed by the comment, “When we confirmed this systaticon in 1771, which is in the hand of our brother Bishop Musa of the Monastery of Mar Musa.” 2) At the Library of the Za’faran Monastery there is a copy of the Didache [ The teaching ascribed to the Twelve Apostles. Tr.] in the Arabic MS 199, which mentions that in 1770, Maqdisi Ibrahim, son of Khawaja Shahin, donated it to the church of Amid in the time of Patriarch Ignatius Jirjis III (more correctly Jirjis IV), in the presence of Jurjis of Aleppo, metropolitan of Jerusalem, and of the Metropolitans Tuma of Qutrubul and Bishara of Bedlis. 3) At the village of Anhil in Tur ‘Abdin there is a copy of The Ethicon [ The Nomocanon of Bar Hebraeus. Tr.], in Syriac, with the following comment: “Donated by Metropolitan Jirjis of Jerusalem to his pupil the monk Iliyya (Elijah), whom he asked to celebrate thirty Masses for him. The witnesses were Rabban Ishaq of Qal’at al-Imra’a, monk of the Za’faran Monastery, Rabban ‘Abd al-Ahad of Mardin, and Rabban Tu’mah of Sadad of the monks of Mar Musa in the province of Damascus, in the middle of April, 2081 of the Greeks/1770 A. D.” 4) We read in a Service Book of Hymns for Principal Feasts at the church of Ma’sarte, a village of Mardin, in the handwriting of Mikha’il, son of Yusuf of Nabk, that he finished its transcription in the time of Patriarch Gurgis of Antioch and Gregorius Jirjis, metropolitan of Jerusalem, in 1771. 5) Naqqasha mentioned on p. 199 a letter dated November 7, 1770 by Patriarch Jirjis IV of Mosul, delivered from Mardin to the Vartabet Wanis in the Mountain of Kisrawan, in which he mentioned Metropolitan Jirjis. [The reference here is to the Syrian Catholic Metropolitan Dionysius Aphram Naqqasha’s book Kitab Inayat al-Rahman fi Hidayat al-Suryan, III (Beirut: Matba’at Sabra, 1910), 198-199, where he produced two letters of Patriarch Jirjis III (more correctly Jirjis IV), sent to the Armenian Vartabet Wanis in the Mountain of Kisrawan. We are concerned here only with the first letter, dated November 7, 1770, in which the patriarch tells Wanis, “Our brethren and children Jirjis, metropolitan of Holy Jerusalem and … (he names other bishops) send you their greetings.” Naqqasha’s purpose in recording these letters was to show that the Syrian Orthodox Patriarch, Jirjis IV, was inclined toward Catholicism and the Catholic Church, and intended to join them. But he did not do so openly because of fear of his bishops. These two letters say nothing about whether Pariarch Jirji was inclined toward Roman Catholicism. Naqqasha, whose church seceded from the mother Syrian Orthodox Church, missed no opportunity to denigrate this church and its fathers in order to establish legitimacy for his schismatic church. Indeed, his book is a combination of half-truths and falsehoods. It should be read with extreme caution, especially by those who have no sound knowledge of the reasons which led Naqqasha’s church to secede from the mother church. Tr.] 6) At the Church of Mar Musa in Damascus there is a Synaxarim (Lives of Holy Saints) in the handwriting of Yuhanna, metropolitan of Damascus, dated June 9, 1771, in the time of Patriarch Jirjis and Gregorius Jirjis, metropolitan of Jerusalem. 7) At the church of Qal’at al-Imra’a there is a book of liturgies in the handwriting of the deacon Yusuf, son of Dawud of Qusur, dated 2083 of the Greeks /1772 A. D., in the time of Patriarch Jirjis and Gregorius, metropolitan of Jerusalem. 8) At the Church of the Martyr Shmuni, there is a copy of The Service Book for the Week of the White (Whitsunday) whose transcription was completed by the priest Yaqub of Qutrubul on March 25, 2084 of the Greeks/1773 A. D., in the days of Patriarch Gurgis (Jirjis) and Metropolitan Jirjis. Considering this evidence, how could Naqqasha state that our Metropolitan Cyril resided at the Monastery of Raghm in 1769 and allege that he abdicated his see and became a superior of that monastery? How could Naqqasha further make him resign his position at the monastery and hand it over to the Chorespicopus Elias Amir Khan in 1778? Again, how could he make him die on July 24, 1777? The evidence we produced is sufficient to refute such allegations, not to mention the fact that Bishop Cyril Mansur of Jerusalem was appointed to the Monastery of St. Mark immediately after the death of Metropolitan Jirjis in 1773. 11) Cyril Gurgis (Jirjis), metropolitan of Hattack (1737-1760). Cyril Gurgis (Jirjis) was an outstanding father of the Church known for his piety, magnanimity, and apostolic zeal. Why should not he be so, since he came from a household known for its godliness, morals, and excellent accomplishments. Among those in his family, known as the family of the priest ‘Abd al-Jalil, who achieved fame were the Patriarch Jirjis II (d.1708, and the priest Rizq Allah (1693-1703), sons of his father’s uncle, and his aunt’s son, Cyril Rizq Allah, bishop of Mosul (1749-1772), the son of the Chorespiscopus Matta. Cyril Gurgis was born at Mosul in 1709. His father was the deacon Musa, and his mother was Sarah. Before his death, Patriarch Jijis told Cyril’s father, “God will grant you a son whom I want you to name after me (Jirjis.). I ask God to install him as a patriarch who will sit on my patriarchal throne,” and presented him with the Book of Psalms. The patriarch’s prophecy was realized. Cyril was born and given the same name as the patriarch. He received proper upbringing and grew up to be a well-mannered and pious young man. In 1729, when he was twenty years of age, he entered the Za’faran Monastery and studied church sciences and received training in monastic living. He assumed the monastic habit and was ordained a deacon and then a priest. Because of his godliness, Patriarch Shukr Allah chose him as metropolitan for the Hattack diocese [Hattack is a fortified fortress in Diyarbakr near Miyafarqin, popularly called Antack. It was a diocesan seat until the middle of the nineteenth century.], that is, the Monastery of the Sayyida (Virgin Mary), known as the Mu’allaq Monastery, and the villages which belonged to it. They were Shimshim, Halhal, Qoum, Malaha, Hazro, Mahraniyya, and Babetne, situated in the Mountain of Takh or Hattack. In the middle of December, 1737, he was ordained a metropolitan and assumed the name of Cyril Gurgis (Jirjis) at his ordination. Assisting the patriarch in his ordination was Dionysius Jirjis, metropolitan of Aleppo, who, together with the patriarch, signed his systaticon on December 15. The systaticon was copied in the handwriting of the Chorespiscopus ‘Abd Yeshu’, son of Ni’ma of Qusur [MS at the Za’faran.Monastery]. The patriarch detected promising signs of potential in the new metropolitan. As soon as he became a metropolitan, Cyril Gurgis devoted his energy to the administration of his diocese. For five years he preached and ordained a number of monks and priests. In December, 1742, the patriarch dispatched him on a mission to Mosul. Cyril journeyed to that city, where he remained until 1744 and undertook the renovation of the Church of Mar Tuma the Apostle, having witnessed the attack of the Persian King Nadir Shah Tahmasb against Mosul the year before (1743). He composed a zjaliyya (ode) about that event. After Patriarch Jirjis III ascended the Patriarchal Throne, he transferred Cyril in 1747 to the Za’faran Monastery and the diocese of Mardin. Cyril devoted his energy to educating and ordaining a number of monks. He left a good impression on the monastery’s inmates. In 1752 he and his brother, the deacon Isaiah (d. 1772), donated fifteen silver candles to the monastery for the repose of the soul of their mother Sarah We found in the book The Office of Ordinations that from 1747 to 1760, Cyril ordained six monks, nineteen priests, and sixty-seven deacons for the churches attached to the Za’faran Monastery, Mardin, Diyarbakr, Nisibin, Qal’at al-Imra’a, Qusur, Mansuriyya, Banabil and Qellith [Za’faran MS 220]. When the See of the East became vacant with the death of Maphryono Basilius Li’azar IV in the fall of 1759, Patriarch Jirjis III ordained Metropolitan Cyril a Maphryono in 1760. Later he ascended the patriarchal throne, as shall be seen later. 12) Severus ‘Abd al-Ahad, metropolitan of Edessa (1738-1757). ‘Abd al-Ahad was the son of MaqdisiYuhanna of the Akhras family of Mardin, which produced men who served the priesthood. He was born and grew up in Mardin. In his youth he loved the monastic life and thus entered the Za’faran Monastery, where he studied church sciences and was ordained a priest. When the See of Edessa became vacant with the death of his brother, Metropolitan Severus Elias, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him a metropolitan for Edessa in 1738, calling him Severus ‘Abd al-Ahad at his ordination. His insignia was inscribed with the words, “Severus ‘Abd al-Ahad, metropolitan of Edessa, who asks for the favor of the One and only One (1738)” He is mentioned in some manuscripts at the Library at Edessa, as the one who received the four offertory plates which were collected in the course of seventeen festivals over the year. He did this in accordance with the custom of his predecessor metropolitans of Edessa. According to the deacon ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Azar of Aleppo, this church father was proficient in medical science. He was of short stature. He went on to say that Severus ‘Abd al-Ahad visited Aleppo twice, in 1743 and 1745. Then he journeyed to Amid to attend the synod which elected and installed Patriarch Gurgis (Jirjis) III. After administering his diocese for nineteen years, Severus went to meet his Lord (passed away) on September 26, 1757, and was buried in the Church of the Two Apostles in Edessa. His name, inscribed in Garshuni, still appears on his grave. 13) Iyawannis Yuhanna, ecumenical metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office (1740-1755). Iyawannis Yuhanna was son of the deacon Shahim, son of Shammo. He was born and raised in Amid. He was nicknamed the Araqchinchii [A Turkish term for the one who makes white linen caps worn on the head underneath the turban to absorb sweat from the head. The author of Aqrab al-Mawarid says, “The Araqjin is a head cap, and I have found no mention of it in trustworthy dictionaries.”] Yuhanna is also known as the Mawsili (he of Mosul) because his family originally came from that city. His mother was Qamar (Moon). Yuhanna was born in Diyarbakr (Amid). He said of his family, “We were four brothers. I and my brother ‘Abd al-Karim became monks, while the other two, ‘Abd al-Masih and Jeremiah, remained laymen.” Yuhanna had two sisters, Maryam and Gawzal (Beautiful). He entered the Za’faran Monastery shortly before 1716 and studied religious sciences and mastered the Syriac language. He was ordained a priest. At this monastery, he transcribed The Service Book of Baptism for the Church of the Forty Martyrs in 1725. Today this book is at the Church of St Shmuni. In 1727, Yuhanna was transferred to the Monastery of Mar Matta in the Mountain of al-Faf near Mosul. But before 1732, he returned to his monastery (Za’faran) and devoted his time to copying Syriac manuscripts in his elegant handwriting. We have come upon some of these manuscripts, one of which was a Syriac and Garshuni Gospel at the Church of The Lady of Hah, completed in 1732. Other manuscripts included a copy of the Gospel for church use, which he transcribed at the Za’faran Monastery in 1735 and was donated by Patriarch Shukr Allah to the church of Banabil; a Gospel for the Monastery of St. Mark in Bushairiyya, which he completed in 1737; a commentary on the Old Testament in Garshuni, which he completed in 1727 at the village of Bartulli; a book of Unction, which he completed in 1739, now at the Church of St. Shmuni; and a Gospel which he transcribed in 1737 at the Monastery of Yuhanna the Ta’i in Tur ‘Abdin. Iyawannis Yuhanna resided at the Qatra Monastery from 1737 to 1739. In 1743, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him a metropolitan for the Patriarchal Office and called him Iyawannis at his ordination. I saw his insignia at the village of Basibrina in a Syriac grammar book which he completed in his elegant handwriting in 1740. It read thus: “Iyawannis Yuhanna, Ecumenical Metropolitan, 1740.” In 1743, Yuhanna was appointed a superior of the Monastery of Mar Matta. About 1746, Patriarch Jirjis III entrusted to him the administration of the diocese of Malabar, India. [Some contemporary Malabarian writers say that Iyawannis Yuhanna was sent to Malabar in 1739, while others say he was sent in 1748 by order of the Maphryono of the East, Li’azar IV. More correct is what we have said above. It is corroborated by his contemporary Gregorius Yuhanna Shuqayr, metropolitan of Damascus, who said that Iyawannis Yuhanna arrived in Malabar on January 16, 1747.] The Syrian people of Malabar had sought the assistance of a Jewish merchant named Ezekiel, who transacted business with the Middle East, to facilitate Iyawannis Yuhanna’s journey. Ezekiel joined Yuhanna at Basra, Iraq. He boarded the ship of the Syrian Antonius, who was doing business with India. When Iyawannis arrived in Malabar, he proceeded to visit the churches, preaching, evangelizing, and guiding the people. He was extremely zealous (for the faith), but hot-tempered. Whenever he found a figurine of a saint, he shattered it and rebuked those who adored it. The figurines had been implanted by the Latin (Roman Catholic) clerics in the churches when they controlled Malabar. [Most likely, the reference here is to the Portuguese, who arrived in Malabar in the sixteenth century. Tr.] For this reason, some labeled him the iconoclast. He ordered the priests to wear black caps and suspended from performing priestly duties those who had violated the rituals, church laws, and Syriac traditions. He did this with daring fearlessness. Evidently, Tuma of Malabar, who had unlawfully positioned himself as bishop with the assistance of the notables of Malabar, was displeased because Iyawannis Yuhanna did not counsel him or the notables about his actions. The notables pleaded with Iyawannis Yuhanna and convinced him to write two letters, one to the patriarch and the other to Shukr Allah Qasabchi, metropolitan of Aleppo, to send an outstanding maphryono to Malabar. Tuma also wrote similar letters, and he and the notables sent them with the deacon Antonius, mentioned above. [ According to Malabarian writers , in addition to his hot temper, Iyawannis Yuhanna displeasedTuma V because he did not produce an authorization from the Patriarch of Antioch to ordain him a lawful metropolitan. See E. M. Philip, The Indian Church of St Thoams (1908, reprinted 2002, 155, Curien, The Syrian Orthodox Church in India and its Apostolic Faith (1989), 106-107 and Mar severus Jacob Tuma (later Patriarch Jacob III), The Syrian Church of Inida Beirut, 1951), 122-124. Tr. ] When Maphryono Shukr Allah and Metropolitan Yuhanna of Khydaida (who were newly delegated by the patriarch) arrived in Malabar on April 23, 1751, Iyawannis went to see them. After some deliberation, they concluded that his treatment of the Syrian natives was harsh. The maphryono detained him at the citadel of Cuchin to await a ship bound for the East. When a ship became available, he sent Yuhanna back to the East at the end of 1751, in accordance with the patriarch’s order. The maphryono also sent back with him the Chorepiscopus Jirjis, son of Chorepiscopus Ni’mat Allah Tunburji of Aleppo. We found at the Library of Cambridge a liturgy transcribed in Malabar by Iyawannis dated 2090 of the Greeks/1749 A.D. [Cambridge MS 1036] In the last quarter of 1752, the patriarch appointed Iyawannis a metropolitan for the diocese of Bedlis, which he administered for three years. He died at Bedlis in September, 1755, having served the episcopate for fifteen years. His brother Metropolitan ‘Abd al-Karim also died at Bedlis. May God have mercy on them! 14) Basilius Denha, maphryono of Tur ‘Abdin (1740-1779). Denha was the son of Yuhanna Baltachi (Beth Balto), whose family was also called Beth Habil (Abel), and his mother was Nisa. He recorded his genealogy in a Syriac Book of husoyos for the Resurrection, which he completed in 1749. We found this book at the Monastery of Mar Sharbil in the neighborhood of Midyat. He said that his brothers were Saliba, Mirza, and Barsoum. In this family flourished Yusuf, archbishop of Tur ‘Abdin (d. 1724), Athanasius, metropolitan of the diocese of the Monastery of the Cross (1845-1873), and several presbyters, among whom were Shim’un and his son Adam, who was still living in 1912. It was the presbyter Shim’un who related to us some of his brothers’ chronicles. Basilius Denha was born in the village of ‘Arnas in Tur ‘Abdin, and was thus called the ‘Arnasian. He was also called the Kafarzian because his family came originally from the village of Kafarze.in Tur ‘Abdin. He grew up to cherish the monastic life and studied under Mar Shim’un, the famous Maphryono of Tur ‘Abdin, from whom he learned godly and virtuous traits. Maphryono Shim’un ordained him a deacon before 1722, robed him with the monastic habit, and then ordained him a priest before 1728. He lived at the Monastery of Mar Abhai in the village of Manim’im, where he copied a service book which we came upon at the Church of Mar Iliyya (Elijah) in the village of Baqisyan. In that year, he moved to the Monastery of Mar Shim’un, in the neighborhood of the village of Arbo, where he transcribed a commentary on the Psalms by Mar Daniel of Salah, which he completed on September 23, 1728. With him at this monastery resided Rabban ‘Abd al-Razzaq of Mosul (the metropolitan who was martyred in 1740), and the monks Ibrahim, son of Yeshu’ of Qutrubul, Bulus of Ma’dan, and Gurgis of Mardin (MSS of Basibrina). Basilius Denha also transcribed the husoyos of the Resurrection and other festivals at the Monastery of the Cross, known as Beth El. He donated it to the Monastery of Mar Abhai, mentioned earlier. His handwriting was of average quality. When Maphryono Shim’un, of blessed memory, was martyred, Basilius Denha witnessed his martyrdom. Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained Denha a Maphryono for the town of Hisn Kifa, Tur ‘Abdin, and the Monastery of Qartmin (the Monastery of Mar Gabriel) on Sunday, July 27, 1740, and called him Basilius Denha at his ordination. The ordination was attended by Gregorius Tuma, metropolitan of Jerusalem, and Cyril Faraj Allah, metropolitan of Bedlis. The patriarch handed him his systaticon, which we came upon at the Monastery of the Cross in 1912. It was kept by the priest Adam Baltaji, and contained the commendations and seals of the fathers. In 1748, Basilius Denha renovated the episcopal residence of the Church of the Virgin and Mar Barsoum in the village of ‘Araban, located between the villages of Basibrina and Tamars. At that time about fourteen Syrian families lived in ‘Araban. We passed through this village in 1911 and found in it only two Syrian families and about forty Muslim families. Its church was in ruins. In 1749, Basilius Denha lived in the cloister of Mar Barsoum, in the neighborhood of the village of Dafne, near Hisn Kifa. There he transcribed the book of the husoyos for the Resurrection, mentioned earlier. He later resided at the Monastery of the Cross, also known as the Monastery of Makhar, but was forced to leave due to a misunderstanding which occurred between him and the lord of Hisn Kifa. He left for the Monastery of St. Barbara in the village of Beirar and then moved to the Monastery of the Cross-Bethel. Several clerics studied under Basilus Denha, including the deacons Gabriel and ‘Aziz, and the monk Yaqub, son of Sulayman of Basibrina, whom Denha ordained a bishop at the end of 1749, calling him Cyril. In 1752, this bishop ordained the priests Yeshu’ and Gurgis. In 1759 Basibrina was afflicted with famine, which swept away the priest Yaqub and eight more priests, twenty deacons, and about a thousand lay people. [According to MSS of Basibrina, the Book of Life, and other sources] In his family flourished his nephew Julius Israel, metropolitan of the Monastery of Bethel (1779-1785). After serving the episcopate for thirty-nine years, Maphryono Denha died and was buried at the Monastery of Qartmin before September, 1779, being eighty years old. He was a righteous man. May God have mercy on him! 15) Dioscorus Shukr Allah, metropolitan of the Jazira (1743-1785). We know nothing about his origin or upbringing prior to his becoming a bishop. Some, however, maintain that he was born in Basibrina. After spending a long time as a monk, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him a metropolitan for Jazirat ibn ‘Umar and called him Dioscorus in 1743 (or 1745, as some say). He was a venerable church father who administered his diocese properly for more than forty years. I have not found the date of his death, which most likely occurred in 1785. He was buried at the Church of Mar Behnam in the city of the Jazira, next to Metropolitan Dioscorus Gabriel of Bartulli (d. 1300). In his tomb was also buried Bishop Athanasius Stephan of the Jazira in 1869. Dioscorus Shukr Allah attended the synod which elected Patriarch Jirjis IV. He was succeeded by the Metropolitan Iyawannis Sa’id of Mardin. 16) Bulus, metropolitan of Ma’dan (1745-1769). Bulus was the son of ‘Abd al-Ahad of Ma’dan. He was born in the village of Ma’dan in the province of Sherwan. He became inclined toward the monastic life. He assumed the monastic habit and was ordained a deacon and then a priest. In 1738, he resided at the Monastery of Mar Malke in Tur ‘Abdin, and then moved in 1740 to the Monastery of Mar Shim’un near the village of Arbo, as related by his companion the monk Ibrahim of Qutrubul. In response to the request of Patriach Shukr Allah, he transcribed a copy of The Chariot of Divine Mysteries, which he completed at the Monastery of Mar Malke. This copy is now at the Monastery of Mar Matta. In 1745, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him a metropolitan for Ma’dan, but we could not find his ordination name. He administered his diocese for some years, assisted toward the end of his days by Metropolitan Gregorius Behnam. He died in 1769. 17) Cyril Yuhanna, ecumenical metropolitan (1745-1771). Cyril Yuhanna, known as the son of Koul, was born in Mardin and became a novice monk at the Za’faran Monastery, where he was ordained a priest before the year 1716. In 1745, Patriarch Shukr Allah ordained him a metropolitan and called him Cyril Yuhanna at his ordination. The next year he committed a sin and fell (from grace), and was condemned and suspended from service. [The author does not specify the sin committed by this metropolitan. It was most likely an act of adultery. Tr.] In January, 1748, he composed an ode in which he repented and appealed to Patriarch Jirjis III for forgiveness. The patriarch accepted his penitence and absolved him. Cyril resided at the Za’faran Monastery until 1763. Then he was appointed a superior of the Monastery of Mar Yaqub (Jacob), overlooking the Za’faran Monastery. He was still living at this monastery in 1766 and 1768. Patriarch Jirjis IV mentioned him in one of his letters dated October, 1770. He died shortly after 1771. He composed a simplistic ode on repentance of his sin and another ode in praise of the Virgin Mary (according to the Collection of Odes in Mardin). Ignatius Jirjis III, Patriarch of Antioch Ignatius Jirjis ascended the Patriarchal Throne at the Church of Amid on Sunday October, 1745 and passed away on July 7, 1768 having served twenty-two years, eight months and twenty-five days. He was about eighty years old. Jirjis (Gurgis) was the son of Shim’un, and a grandson of the brother of the patriarch of Antioch, ‘Abd al-Masih I (1662-1668). He was born in Edessa in the ninth decade of the seventeenth century. As a youth he became inclined toward the monastic life and entered the Za’faran Monastery, studying church sciences and acquiring training in the way of the monastics. He was ordained a priest and joined the monks of the cell of Patriarch Ishaq, where he excelled in church service and administration. Because he was efficient and venerable, Patriarch Jirjis III in 1722 ordained him a metropolitan for his Patriarchal Office (cell) and called him Basilius Gurgis at his ordination. In the middle of this year he attended the synod at the Za’faran Monastery which elected and installed Patriarch Shukr Allah. He remained at the monastery until 1727. The patriarch appointed him to the metropolitan see of Aleppo and changed his name to Dionysius, following the tradition of the metropolitans of the diocese who assumed the same name [ See Vol. 6, 86 of this magazine]. For eighteen years he administered the diocese of Aleppo, which had a number of priests, deacons, and orthodox (Syrian) parishioners. Jirjis ordained priests and deacons. By 1739 there were twelve priests in the church of Aleppo. In 1737, he visited the patriarch at Amid and assisted him in the ordination of Metropolitan Jirjis of Aleppo and Metropolitan Jirjis of Mosul. When the Patriarchal See became vacant with the death of Patriarch Shukr Allah, Gregorius Tuma of Mosul, metropolitan of Jerusalem, was then in Amid. Meanwhile, on September 18, Cyril Gurgis Sani’a, nephew of Patriarch Shukr Allah, metropolitan of Mardin, arrived in Amid. These church dignitaries met with the chorepiscopi and priests of Amid, twenty in number, and the Syrian notables and elders.They wrote a letter to Dionysisus Jirjis, metropolitan of Aleppo, signed with their seals, requesting him to proceed to Amid. Meanwhile, Metropolitan Severus Abd al-Ahad of Edessa and Cyril Jirjis, metropolitan of Homs and the Monastery of Mar Julian and the patriarch’s deputy in Jerusalem, were then in Aleppo. Metropolitan Jirjis accompanied them to Amid. They arrived in the city late in the afternoon on Friday, September 4. They held a meeting, presided over by Metropolitan Gregorius Tuma, to discuss the election of a new patriarch for the See of Antioch. Apparently, circumstances did not permit them to invite the rest of their fellow metropolitans. The Chorepiscopus ‘Abd Yeshu’ of Qusur, however, said in some of his comments that the meeting was attended by Gregorius Boghos (Paul), metropolitan of Bushairiyya, and Cyril Gewargis, metropolitan of Hattack. But what we copied from the register of Patriarch Shukr Allah contradicts what ‘Abd Yeshu’ of Qusur said. After nine days of deliberation, the bishops unanimously elected the metropolitan of Aleppo (Dionysius Jirjis) as the new patriarch, with the approval of the priests and laymen. The ordination was celebrated by Metropolitan Tuma, who invested the new patriarch with the patriarchal staff. The new patriarch was proclaimed as Ignatius Jirjis at the Church of the Virgin in Amid on Sunday, September 13, 2057 of the Greeks/1745 A. D. The ceremony was attended by a great number of chorepiscopi, priests, deacons, and laity. [The account of the ordination of Patriarch Jirjis of Edessa, as recorded in the register of Patriarch Shukr Allah, preserved in our Library.] Some sources recounted the names of twenty priests, four archdeacons, and thirty-nine deacons of Amid who attended the consecration of the new patriarch. [Amid MSS, at our Library] The Chorepiscopus Yeshu’, mentioned earlier, composed a Syriac ode exalting the new patriarch and fixing the date of his election [As recorded in the register of Patriarch Shukr Allah]. The seal of the new patriarch, circular in shape, was inscribed as follows: “Ignatius Jirjis, Patriarch of Antioch, the year 2057 of the Greeks.” In the middle of the seal was fixed the portrait of a seated church dignitary, and beneath it the date 1745 [MSS at our Library, which includes a great collection of ancient letters]. The new patriarch obtained a decree of investiture from the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud I (1143-1168 of the Islamic calendar/1730-1754 A. D.) dated Shawwal 15, 1158 of the Islamic calendar/late November, 1745 A.D.The new patriarch resided at Amid. He endorsed Saliba, son of Tumajan of Edessa, who had been the deputy of his predecessor in Constantinople, as his own deputy. He designated his nephew, the deacon Abd Emmanuel of Edessa (1749-1768), as his secretary. He transferred Metropolitan Gurgis Sani’a from the diocese of Mardin to the diocese of Amid, Metropolitan Cyril Gurgis Abd al-Jalil, from the diocese of Hattack to the diocese of Mardin and the Za’faran Monastery, and Metropolitan Jirjis of Aleppo from the diocese of Homs and the Monastery of Mar Julian to the diocese of Jerusalem. The cause of his first and greatest apostolic acts was his concern for the great diocese of Malabar in India. He appointed for it the Metropolitan Shukr Allah Qasabchi of Aleppo after elevating him to the dignity of the maphrianate. He sent with him to Malabar two metropolitans and several priests and deacons, as shall be seen later in the biography of the Maphryono Shukr Allah Qasabchi. He maintained correspondance with them to ascertain how they were faring in Malabar. This was undoubtedly an important act by this great church dignitary to promote the interests of the Holy Church of Antioch. Furthermore, Patriarch Jirjis continued the work of his predecessor by having important books translated into Arabic. The most important of these books was the Commentary on the Gospels by Mar Jabob bar Salibi. It was translated into Arabic by the monk ‘Abd al-Nur of Amid in 1755, as has been said earlier in the biography of Metropolitan Jirjis of Aleppo. In the same year, the first Arabic copy of this commentary was completed by the deacon Dawud, son of the priest Yaqub of Qusur. [Priest Yaqub, father of the deacon Dawud, said that his son Dawud died a young man on the eve of the Festival of Ascension. He was twenty-five years old.] Under Patriarch Jirjis, the building of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem was completed, and the Church of Mar Iliyya (Eiljah), in the village of Jaftelek near Mardin, was renovated in 1762. Between 1757 and 1759 Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia) and Syria were afflicted with a severe drought and famine, and then by exorbitant prices for provisions, followed by plague, and many people perished. Natives of Mardin related that in 1756, the pomegranate, fig, and olive trees withered. Swarms of locusts stripped the crops, and people suffered hunger. In the winter of 1757, the prices of provisions skyrocketed, and starvation became so severe that some Kurds ventured to slaughter their own relatives in order to eat their flesh (God save us from this), and were hanged by the governor. [MSS of Mardin in our own handwriting, preserved at our Library.] It seems that because of these calamities, the patriarch suffered financial problems and had to borrow seven purses to meet his needs in 1764. This debt was settled by his successor, Patriarch Jirjis IV, with his own money. [The debt amounted to 3,500 piasters, estimated at 300 gold liras.] Patriarch Jirjis III resided at Diyarbakr throughout the period of his patriarchate. He served the Apostolic See for twenty-two years, eight months, and twenty-two days. He died at Diyarbakr on July 7, 1768, having lived eighty years, forty-six of which spent in serving the priesthood.. He was buried in the tomb of the Patriarch ‘Abd al-Masih I, his father’s uncle, in the Syrian cemetery, outside the Rum Gate. He was the third and the last patriarch to be buried there. The date of his death was not marked on his grave. Patriarch Jirjis III, may God be gracious to him, was known for his piety and venerableness. He was endowed with a respectable appearance in his old age, as can be seen from his portrait, preserved in one of the churches. Some ascribed to him a book of homilies, but this is uncertain. He took care of the city of Mardin for which he ordained several priests and deacons in 1747. He consecrated the Chrism at the Za’faran Monastery in 1753. After his death, the Apostolic See was vacant for forty days. He ordained twelve metropolitans and bishops, including two maphryonos for the See of the East and Malabar. These were: 1) Dionysius Shukr Allah, metropolitan of Aleppo (1746-1748). Dionysius Shukr Allah was son of the deacon Musa Qasabchi [Qasabchi is a compound term of Arabic and Turkish, meaning the one who manufactures or sells silk cloth embroidered with silver threads. According to the dictionary Taj al-Arus, qasab is a material derived from silver. The singular of qasab is qasaba. The qasab is actually a thin and smooth linen.], the son of Shim’un of Aleppo. He was born in Aleppo at the end of the first decade of the eighteenth century and raised in a household known for faith and piety. His father was a deacon who made a living by weaving silk cloth embroidered with silver and gold threads. This was an artistic craft with a booming market in Aleppo. His family excelled in this craft. His maternal grandfather was the deacon Yunan (Jonah), son of Shim’un, a priest of Aleppo. Yunan was ordained a deacon in 1703 and a priest in September, 1708 by the Maphryono of the East, Basilius Ishaq (later Patriarch Ishaq), who was still living in 1739. So too were his three uncles, Jirjis who was ordained a deacon by Gregorius Jirjis of Aleppo, metropolitan of Jerusalem, in 1757 [MSS Za’faran, the Homologia (Confession of Faith), Nos. 220 and 222) and the deacons Elias and Tuma, who were still living with their sister, mother of our Dionysius Shukr Allah in 1785, as related by Patriarch Jirjis V of Aleppo. [According to a Gospel MS we found at Homs.] Shukr Allah received proper upbringing characterized by piety. He was of good conduct, meek and intelligent. He acquired a good mastery of church sciences and knowledge of the Syriac and Arabic languages. He became involved in spiritual life and reading of the theological writings of the fathers. He was ordained a deacon before 1728 and became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Musa the Abyssinian. Dionysius Jirjis (later Patriarch Jirjis III) added him to his staff and ordained him a priest, having great hopes for him. Joining Shukr Allah were some pious deacons inclined toward learning, who studied under him. Some of them became monks at the Monastery of Mar Musa the Abyssinian in the town of Nabk and later were ordained bishops. Among these were Gregorius Yuhanna Shuqayr, metropolitan of Damascus (d. 1783), and Dionysius ‘Abd Allah Shidyaq of Aleppo, metropolitan of Aleppo and then of Damascus (d. 1801). Shukr Allah served the priesthood with excellence. Shukr Allah wrote in good Arabic a medium-sized book on the principles of the Christian faith entitled Tafhim al-Tadabir al-Mhuyiyya li al-Atfal al-Maishiyya (Explaining the Life-Giving Principles for Christian Children). The book consisted of an introduction and twenty-four chapters and gave an abundant exposition of the tenets of the orthodox faith which attests to his profound knowledge of religion. We came upon three copies of it, one in Mosul, the second in ‘Aqra, and the third in Qal’at al-Imra’a. We transcribed a copy of it in our own handwriting in 1909. It is now preserved at our Library. He also transcribed, while still a deacon, a Service Book for Lent and Passion Week [ Sharfa Monastery MS 33-6)] When the metropolitan see of Aleppo became vacant because its metropolitan ascended the patriarchal throne in 1745, the new patriarch ordained Shukr Allah a metropolitan for Aleppo in 1746, to replace him at the great church of Amid. He called him Dionysoius Shukr Allah at his ordination. Shukr Allah proceeded to take care of his flock with his well-known piety, zeal and understanding. Aleppo did not enjoy him for too long, however, because two years later the patriarch ordained him a maphryono and dispatched him as his apostolic legate to Malabar, India together with a group of clergymen, as shall be seen later. 2) Iyawannis Yuhanna, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Behnam and then of Malabar (1747-1773). Iyawannis was born Yuhanna (John), son of the priest Ishaq of Ba Khudayda (Qaraqosh), and his mother was Shamma. He was born in Qaraqosh near Mosul about 1695. [It should be noted that he and Maphryono Yalda come from the same family. Tr. ] At an early age he mastered the Syriac language and church rituals. He and his brother Saliba chose the life of piety. Iyawannis cloistered himself at the Church of the Virgin and of Yuhanna the Bosni in his village of Qaraqosh. He prepared himself for the monastic order and spent much time reading spiritual books. He was ordained a deacon before 1721 and then moved with his brother to the Monastery of Mar Behnam, where in 1723 they received the monastic habit from Iyawannis Karas, metropolitan of the diocese, who ordained them priests. [Qaraqosh MSS. They remained at the monastery, persevering in devotion, until 1740, when they went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Upon their return, they resided at the Za’faran Monastery. [The monk Saliba spent his life at the Za’faran Monastery. He was still living in 1757.] When the diocese of Mar Behnam became vacant with the death of Metroploitan Karas, of blessed memory, on April 20, 1747, Patriarch Jirjis III ordained the elder brother, monk Yuhanna, a metropolitan for the diocese in the middle of the year and called him Iyawannis Yuhanna at his ordination. The new metropolitan faced opposition, however, because of a controversy between him and his flock, the people of Qaraqosh. The patriarch had already sent Metropolitan Cyril Gurgis to Mosul with the sultan’s decree of investiture (of Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna) to have it registered in the courts. The governor of Mosul, the Vizier Hajj Husayn Pasha al-Jalili, thought that he should send Metropolitan Cyril Gurgis to Qaraqosh to settle the problem between the metropolitan and the congregation. He also wrote to the patriarch what he had done. When Metroplolitan Gurgis failed to reconcile the two sides, he reported the case to the Pasha (governor of Mosul), and he wrote to the patriarch about his failure to reconcile the metropolitan with his congregation. The Pasha, too, wrote to the patriarch about the same matter. The patriarch wrote to the pasha, requesting him to make an effort to keep Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna in his diocese, or else he will empower the pasha to appoint a civilian as his deputy in Qaraqosh [A copy of the patriarch’s appeal, written in Turkish in the language and style of the firmanas (sultan’s decrees), is in the register of Patriarch Shukr Allah, preserved at our Library, from which we derived the above information.] The reason for appealing to Husayn Pasha al-Jalili was that the big village of Qaraqosh had been given by the Ottoman sultan to the pasha, who collected its revenue, as a reward for defending the city of Mosul against the attack of the Persian Tahmasb Khan in 1743. The patriarch removed Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna from his diocese. In 1748, however, he made him an honorary metropolitan of Jerusalem, changed his name to Gregorius Yuhanna, and delegated him to Malabar in India. Gregorius journeyed to Baghdad via the river route, accompanied by Yuhanna of Mosul, a monk of the Za’faran Monastery, who in 1752 had been ordained a metropolitan. [In 1752, the monk Yuhanna was ordained a metropolitan at Malankara by the Maphryono Basilius Shukr Allah, who called him Iyawannis at his ordination. See David Daniel,The Orthodox Church of India, 1 (New Delhi, 1972): 69. Tr.] The patriarch also sent to Baghdad Metropolitan Severus Yuhanna of Gargar, who was ordained a metropolitan for Malabar, together with the Chorepiscopus ‘Abd al-Nur Aslan of Amid. But they tarried in Baghdad for a while because of sickness, and then left the city. Meantime, Gregorius and monk Yuhanna remained in Baghdad for eleven months, awaiting the arrival of Maphryono Shukr Allah, head of the Indian mission. Although they patiently endured separation from their homeland, they remained firm in their determination to fulfill the mission assigned to them for the good of the Indian country (Malabar). On March 8, 1749, Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna accompanied the maphryono and his retinue to Basra. Then they sailed to Malabar, suffering incredible perils during the voyage. Gregorius shared the maphryono’s toil and struggle. You will later see his chronicle, up to the death of the maphryono, in the biography of the latter. Following the death of Mar Basilius (Maphryono Shukr Allah) on October 9, 1764, Gregorius Yuhanna assumed responsibility for the mission and the diocese in his place. But it happened that someone named Tuma, who styled himself as Tuma V [an unlawful metropolitan. Tr. ] rebelled against the Apostolic See and with sheer audacity ordained a young relative to succeed him (as metropolitan) under the name of Tuma VI in 1765. Tuma V passed away in this same year, and his successor realized how precarious his position was. One Sunday, as Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna was celebrating the Eucharist at the Church of Niranam, Tuma VI entered the church unnoticed and went up to the altar. He fell at the feet of the metropolitan, kissing them and declaring his repentance. Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna stretched out his right hand, received him and pardoned him. A few days later, Gregorius Yuhanna celebrated the Holy Eucahrist with Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna. Tuma VI was present. During the service, the metropolitan proclaimed Tuma VI as a lawful metropolitan and named him Dionysius. He handed him the pastoral staff, the cross, and the systaticon (Letter of Investiture) which Patriarch Jirjis III had given to the maphryono (Shukr Allah), to be presented to Tuma V in case he became lawfully ordained. The people of Malabar were filled with joy because of the reconciliation (of Tuma VI with the Apostolic See), which occurred on May 29, 1770. Gregorius Yuhanna, Iyawannis, and Dionysius Tuma resided in one church, ministering to the flock in unison.[ See E. M. Philip. The Indian Church of St. Thomas, 161. Tr.] In 1773, Gregorius Yuhanna, burdened by old age and weak vision, almost lost his sight. A Malabarian monk named Curien (Quryaqos) Kattoomangat, a priest of the Church of Mulanthuruthi who had assumed the monastic habit by the hands of Maphryono Shukr Allah and was engaged for some time in the teaching of deacons, asked the two churchmen to permit him to take Gregorius Yuhanna to another town for care and treatment. The two men appreciated his good intentions, and Curien took Gregorius Yuhanna to Cochin and from there to the town of Mattancherry. He lodged him in the house of the maphryono, where Gregorius found some rest and enjoyed agreeable weather. What Curien did, however, was not for the sake of God or out of loyalty to the metropolitan, but for sheer self-interest. Apparently this monk had evil intentions. He was sick in heart and coveted a higher office. One day he put on the vestment of a bishop and claimed that Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna had ordained him a metropolitan and called him Cyril at his ordination. When the news spread throughout the town of Mattancherry, where the deacon Addai, a member of the retinue of the maphryono, lived, Addai rushed to see Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna to ascertain the truth. The metropolitan told him that he had no knowledge of this rumor and that he had ordained no one. When Dionysius Tuma VI learned what had happened, he sent Iyawannis to Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna to find out the truth. Meanwhile, Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna had passed away on June 27, 1773, aged eighty years, and was buried in the Church of Mulanthuruthi. Iyawannis learned of his death while en route to see him. He was joined by a host of clergymen and laymen who journeyed to prepare the body of the metropolitan for burial. But the wicked Curien locked the door and would not let them in. Dionysius Tuma VI and those with him kept knocking at the door but received no response. They departed with great sorrow for the Church of Kandanad, about one and a half hours’ distance from Mulanthuruthi. Meanwhile, the impudent Curien put on his chest the cross belonging to the late metropolitan, carried his staff, and seized his money and belongings. He began to behave like a lawfully ordained bishop. He found a pseudo-monk to work for him. He claimed to have ordained three young men as deacons. Dionysius and Iyawannis complained about Curien’s behavior to the kings (rajas) of Travancore and Cochin, who referred the case to the Dutch Company, which protected the Christians and handled their private cases.Curien was summoned before the Assembly of Twelve Judges, who tried him and confirmed his deception and fabrication. They handed him and their verdict over to the raja of Cochin. When the raja read the case, he became angry and handed Curien over to the Metropolitans Dionysius and Iyawannis. The metropolitans convened a great assembly of clergymen and laity and divested Curien of the office (of metropolitan), which he had usurped. They forced him to unfrock. Moreover, Dionysius reordained lawfully the three deacons whom Curien had formerly ordained. His pupil, the false monk, joined the cult of the Protesant Heldisians [ Waldensians? Tr. ], dabbled in sorcery, acted repulsively, and then died from a vicious disease. Three months later, Curien faked illness and went to British Malabar, ostensibly to seek medical treatment. The English Merchant Company ruled Malabar, where the raja of Cochin had no authority, and there were no Christians. There Curien built a church and resided in the town of Thorziyur, also called Anjoor. Still rebellious, he continued with his former shameless conduct. Curien continued his life of witchcraft and corruption. He installed his half-brother, Gurgis, and Ibrahim, his nephew on his mother’s side, as unlawful bishops. They ordained false bishops who lived until the middle of the eighteenth century, when they finally died out. In 1825, Curien’s imposture was exposed when Metropolitan Athanasius ‘Abd al-Masih of Amid got hold of the letter in which Curien alleged that Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna had ordained him a bishop. ‘Abd al-Masih discovered that the letter was a forgery and that Curien had removed the seal of Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna from one of his letters and pasted it on the fake letter, as shall be seen later in the biography of Athanasius ‘Abd al-Masih. This was confirmed by historical Syriac tracts written by two Malabarian priests, the first in 1820 and the second in 1838. [ These two tracts were written in poor Syriac by some clergymen of Malabar and transcribed by other clergymen of Malabar. Both of them are at our Library.] Finally, the impostor Curien perished in 1802. Some contemporary writers, including PhilipKatanar and Metropolitan Awgen (Eugene), collected the chronicles of Malabar. [Philipus was a secretary to Yusuf, the metropolitan of Malabar. He wrote The History of Mar tuma ogf iNida , published in 1907. He died in 1909.The book, still a manuscript, is preserved in our Library. Metropolitan Eugene wrote a collection in Syriac in 1932.] , [ The refrence here to E. M. Philip, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, ( Edavazhikal; Tottayam, 1908, reptinted Mor adai Study Center, ed. Dr. Kuriakos Corepiscopopa Moolayil, Cheeranchira, Chngancheryr: Kerla, 2002}.Tr. ] They claim that Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna ordained Curien to spite Metropolitan Dionysius. He bequeathed to him the church vessels and plenty of money, specifying that they should be used to help the poor and treat the sick. [ See E. M. Pjilip, The Indian Church of St Thomas, 161-162. Tr. ] But these writers fail to corroborate their claim by citing contemporary historical sources. Indeed, ancient chronicles contradict this claim. It is well known that when a writer reports events to suit his own bias, his evidence does not stand. . Gregorius Yuhanna was well versed in the Syriac language. We came upon five lines of verse on Repentance composed by him in the Sarugite (twelve-syllabic) meter when he was still a youth in 1719. They are as follows: He who fixes his eyes on one goal, that of salvation Will naturally find what will sharpen his entire sensation and disposition. In order to attain that goal, he should fasten unto it his heart and mind, and spend everything he has for its cause. [This ode is fixed at the end of Bar Hebraeus’s Kthobo d-Zalge (The Book of Rays), a compendium of his Lamp of the Sanctuaries), at the Library of the Monastery of Mar Matta.] 3) Basilius Shukr Allah, maphryono of Malabar (1748-1764). Basilius Shukr Allah was a prominent church dignitary in the same vein as the apostles. He was of unique spirituality and commendable character. He was one of the stars who shone in the firmament of his native city, Aleppo, and the church. His biography, up to the time when he became head of the diocese of Aleppo in 1764, has been set forth earlier. When the knowledge of his erudition and capability spread as far as India, he was chosen by the Syrian people of India (Malabar) to become their maphryono. Patriarch Jirjs III, who better than anyone else recognized his excellence and his ability to shoulder responsibility, invited him to accept the noble office of the maphrianate and to preach orthodoxy in that remote land. Shukr Allah, known for his piety, meekness, and religious zeal, obeyed. The patriarch ordained him a maphryono for Malabar and called him Basilius Shukr Allah at his ordination at the church of Amid in August, 1748. He was assisted by Cyril Gurgis Sani’a, metropolitan of Amid. The Patriarch handed him a quantity of mirun (Holy Chrism), a staff, a Cross and a systaticon (Letter of Investiture), to be delivered to Metropolitan Tuma of Malabar. He charged Basilius to ordain Tuma as a lawful metropolitan and hand him his personal systaticon. On August 25, the new maphryono returned to Aleppo, only to fall sick again from the ailment he had suffered two months before his ordination. Nevertheless, he went on to provide himself with the necessary religious, theological, and liturgical books and church vessels. He acquired eighteen manuscripts, all but one important. Three of them were transcribed in the Istrangelo script on vellum. We shall have more to say about them later. Since the land route between Aleppo and Baghdad was cut off by a great number of highway robbers who intercepted travelers pillaging and killing, the maphryono waited for four months for a large caravan in order to be able to travel. Such a caravan was not available until January 7, 1750. The maphryono left Aleppo accompanied by the Chorepiscopus Jirjis, son of the Chorepiscopus Ni’mat Allah Tunburchi of Aleppo, deacon Anton, son of the priest Sim’an of Aleppo, who had come from Malabar to join the maphryono on his journey, and the maphryono’s private deacon. Leaving for Baghdad ahead of him were the priest Shukr Allah and the deacons Shukr Allah of Amid, Hidayat Allah, Musa, and Zechariah [Deacon Zechariah is mentioned in the tract of Chorepiscopus Jirjis. The other deacons are mentioned in a letter by the patriarch and some chronicles of India, which call one deacon Addai instead of Hidayat Allah. Deacon Addai was still living in 1770.], in addition to Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna of Khudayda (Qaraqosh), the monk-priest Yuhanna of Mosul, a monk of the Za’faran Monastery, and his attendant ‘Abd Allah. The patriarch sent with them forty-six manuscripts of religious and service books and church vessels, as shall be seen later. After traveling though open and unpopulated country, suffering incredible fear of the Arabs of the Dulaym tribe, and incurring heavy expenses, Maphryono Basilius Shukr Allah and his Aleppine companions arrived in Baghdad. They were joined by the clerics who had gone ahead of them to the city. The whole group journeyed to Basra, arriving in that city on May 8. On June 24 they left Basra and, after anchoring at the ports of Bandar Bushir, Bandar Abbas, and Surat, arrived at the port of Cochin, Malabar on April 23, 1751, which was the festival day of Mar Jirjis the martyr. During the journey they suffered incredible perils from highwaymen, pirates, gales and disease. They endured these perils with remarkable Christian patience. The journey cost them about 9500 rupees, in addition to 200 rupees which deacon Anton had with him when he joined the group. At Cochin the travelers heaved a sigh of relief and enjoyed rest. The judge and the president of the Dutch Company went out to receive them. [The Portuguese were the first Franks (Europeans) to colonize India in the time of their King Emmanuel I, following the opening of the sea route to India by the Portuguese navigator Vasco de Gama in 1498. On the coast they set up markets which were like Portuguese colonies for the exchange of native goods. Through the Portuguese, some Latin (Roman Catholic) entered India and spread their faith by many means. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Dutch followed in the footsteps of the Portuguese and founded similar markets. They overwhelmed the Portuguese and evicted them from India because of the weakness of their country and established the East India Dutch Company, which consisted of businessmen and sailors. They ruled some parts of the country until the middle of the eighteenth century, when the French and then the British overwhelmed them and controlled Malabar, which had been under Dutch authority. But the islands of Java and Sumatra, with a population of thirty million, were still under Dutch control. In 1858, the English Merchant Company surrendered its properties to the British government. As the Portuguese had propagated their Latin (Catholic) faith in their colonies, the English did likewise, propagating their Protestant faith in India from the start of the nineteenth century. As is well known, such propagation had the worst effect on the Syrian congregation of Malabar.] At the citadel of Cochin they were greeted by soldiers in arms. Halfway on the road they were met by the Deputy Commodore. When they reached the commodore’s mansion, His Excellency was waiting for them at the gate. As the guns fired in salute he welcomed them and led them to the upper hall, where a host of prominent company officials received them and had lunch with them at the commodore’s table. They left, accompanied by the president of the company, to the house prepared for their residence. It was a nice house with a beautiful garden. His Excellency instructed the chief interpreter to take care of their expenses. On April 24, after discussing some matters with the commodore, Maphryono Basilius wrote to Metropolitan Yuhanna and to the self-styled Metropolitan Tuma informing them of his arrival and asking them to come to the citadel (of Cochin) in order to reconcile with Tuma in the presence of the commodore. On May 2, Tuma sent to the maphryono two priests, a deacon and several Syrian notables, with a letter in which he complained against the behavior of Metropolitan Yuhanna of Amid. Tuma requested that the monk Yuhanna and the deacon Anton be sent to him, along with the church service books and the systaticon brought by the maphryono. The maphryono agreed and sent these dignitaries to Pallikari with the books but not the systaticon. On May 6, the two messengers returned, carrying a second letter from Tuma asking the maphryono to come to Kandanad because for some reason he was unable to come to the citadel. The maphryono kept waiting for Metropolitan Yuhanna of Amid, who arrived on the 14th of the month, on the eve of the Festival of the Virgin Mary, accompanied by priests and a group of laymen, most important of whom was Yaqub Yani, chief treasurer of the king. [In the original text, Yaqub is mentioned as Bazargan, meaning chief merchant or money changer. More correctly, he was the king’s treasurer). On May 16, Seignior Ezekiel Jawhari visited the maphryono and suggested that he should write a third letter to Tuma. The maphryono wrote a letter and sent it with Yaqub Yani and the deacon Anton, but it suffered the same consequence as the earlier letters. Tuma excused himself, telling the delegation of the Chorepiscopus Jirjis that he was busy with the affairs of his congregation and therefore could not see the maphryono. The truth was that he feared to come to the citadel, lest the commodore force him to repay the money, a penalty too much for him to bear. When the commodore realized that Tuma had shamefully reneged and violated his commitment, that he displayed unexpected malice and wickedness, and that he refused to visit the maphryono though the maphryono had written to him asking him kindly to come to him, he advised the maphryono to complain against him to the Dutch Company. The maphryono did so. On May 22, the company sent its chief interpreter and a high-ranking officer with twenty-four soldiers, accompanied by the deacon Anton, to Pallikari to bring back the defendant (Tuma). But when Tuma learned from some of his friends about the situation, he escaped to another town. When the soldiers arrived at Pallikari and found that Tuma had fled with his followers and left the house locked, the chief interpreter became angry and ordered the soldiers to break the doors of the church and loot some of its possessions. Seeing what the soldiers had done, the people became furious and requested their Indian raja to dispatch a thousand soldiers for help. The soldiers rushed to the spot, arrested the officers of the company, and informed its president of the situation. The company’s president and officials became angry and wrote to the raja, denouncing what the soldiers had done. The raja returned the looted objects to their owners. The company was almost ready to strike down the interpreter and the high ranking officer, had it not been for the intercession of the maphryono and his men. On the fourth day after his arrival, Metropolitan Yuhanna Araqchinchi of Amid began to treat the maphryono and other fathers harshly because they had been kind to the natives who visited them. He thought that the natives should be treated cruelly and bluntly. His behavior convinced them of the reports they had already received about his rough treatment of the Syrian natives. But when Yuhanna persisted in his bad treatment of the natives despite the maphryono’s advice, the maphryono and his men complained to the governor to detain him in the citadel and then ship him back to the East, according to the patriarch’s order. Metropolitan Yuhanna was sent back home in November, the usual month for the departure of ships. On the afternoon of July 3, the festival of St. Thomas the Apostle, the maphryono and his men left the citadel. They took leave of the commodore, who had nine guns fired in their honor. They were accompanied by two of the company’s high officials, forty soldiers, and Seignior Ezekiel. They paid a short visit to the raja of Cochin, to whom the maphryono and Metropolitan Yuhanna [Not to be confused with the Metropolitan Yuhanna Araqchinchi, mentioned earlier. TR.] presented five gold pieces worth twenty five rupees which they had received from the commodore. They spent the night at the house of Ezekiel, and on the next day, Thursday, departed Cochin for Kandanad on the company’s boat. They were accompanied by the new chief interpreter and some soldiers who had been sent by the araja. The Syrian congregation received them, and in great deference, carried the two church dignitaries in litters. They marched in a solemn procession, chanting according to their customs. The Syrian people of Kandanad asked the maphryono to provide them with a letter to Tuma in order to bring him back, and the maphryono responded to their request. But their luck was no better than that of those who tried before to summon Tuma to the maphryono’s presence. On July 18 they returned with Tuma’s reply, complaining of the soldiers and of the deacon Anton’s bad treatment of the villagers of Pallikari. Meanwhile, on July 18, the raja of the south marched against the raja of Cochin. Seized by fright, the natives hid their belongings and had their women and children flee. Malabar was in turmoil. The maphryono and his retinue, who were at this time at Kandanad, were also seized by fear. The Chorepiscopus Jirjis of Aleppo, from whom we quoted this account, said, “For twenty years this raja (of the south) captured the lands of two rajas and caused them to flee. He seized great wealth and became abundantly rich. He lavished money on his fighting men, enticing many to join him. He was extremely cruel, burning houses and churches without mercy. He was like the Persian Tahmasb (Nadir Shah, who invaded Iraq in the time of Patriarch Shukr Allah and Maphryono Li’azar VI). Nevertheless, he honored the maphryono and his retinue and abstained from pillaging Kandanad. This action shows that he was not totally void of honor. But the dispersion of the people and the rupture of their society prevented the maphryono from collecting money to settle the debt he had incurred.” We find it proper to present here the account of the journey of this venerable church dignitary as he wrote it down himself in a Syriac tract whose original is preserved in Malabar. We have translated it into Arabic exactly as it was after publishing the original Syriac. Account of the Journey to the Land of Malabar of Mar Basilius Shukr Allah, Metropolitan Mar Gregorius Yuhanna, the Chorepiscopus Jirjis, and the Monk Yuhanna, accompanied by the deacons. [This title is not original; it was added by the copyist.] In the middle of March, 1748 [1749 in the original Syriac text], the deacon Anton arrived in the city of Aleppo, carrying letters from the Metropolitan Mar Iyawannis (Araqchinchi) of Amid [see his biography in year 6, no. 5 of this magazine] and from Mar Tuma [ Tuma of Malabar, who claimed that he had been ordained a bishop by his uncle in 1728. He died in 1765, still rebellious and unrepentant.], to Patriarch Mar Ignatius Gurgis (Jirjis) III of Antioch and to Mar Basilius. At that time I, Basilius, was sick. After reading the letters, I sent the letter of my lord Mar Ignatius to him in the city of Amid (Diyarbakr), and also wrote informing him that I had been sick for two months. Meanwhile, Deacon Anton went to see our lord the patriarch and informed him that the Syrians of Malabar were requesting a maphryono, as it is written in the letters of Mar Iyawannis and Mar Tuma. When I recovered, I journeyed to Amid to see the Patriarch Mar Ignatius. The city of Amid was about fifteen days’ distance from Aleppo. I left Aleppo on July 1, and we were attacked by highway robbers, but, by God’s help, they could not harm us. At Amid, I was ordained a maphryono. I returned to Aleppo a few days later, on August 25. While I was sick, Patriarch Mar Ignatius sent to Malabar Mar Gregorius along with another metropolitan and a chorepiscopus. [ Gregorius was Yuhanna of Khudayda (Qaraqosh), metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Behnam, who was removed from his diocese and sent to Malabar. We published his biography in no. 2 of this magazine. The other metropolitan was Yuhanna of Gargar, who was ordained a metropolitan for Malabar in 1748 and then was appointed a metropolitan of Gargar. His biography will come later. The Chorespiscopus was ‘Abd al-Nur, son of Aslan of Amid. It appears from what the maphryono has said that he wrote this tract immediately after his arrival in Malabar.] They traveled via the River Tigris and reached the famous city of Babylon (Baghdad). Soon, however, the metropolitan and the chorepiscopus returned to Amid because of sickness, while Mar Gregorius remained in Baghdad awaiting my arrival. Meanwhile, I was trying to find a caravan bound for Baghdad, but could not find one because of fear of desert robbers. Thus, I remained for four months in Aleppo before I found a camel caravan going to Baghdad. I bought for three thousand rupees what was necessary for the journey and for the church, including vessels, books, and other wares. On Sunday January 7, 1749 [ This date is incorrect, a copyist’s error. Actually it is 1750, as the Chorepiscopus Jirjis has written.], I, together with the Chorespiscopus [ He was Jirjis, the son of the Chorepiscopus Ni’mat Allah Tunburchi of Aleppo. He was ordained a priest in 1745 and left Malabar at the end of 1751 because of sickness, having spent seven months there. He wrote a thirty-page tract in Arabic describing Maphryono Shukr Allah’s journey to Malabar and the conditions of Malabar and its Syrian people. He completed this tract on November 1, of the year 2063 of the Greeks/1751 A. D. He sailed from Basra via Jedda to Abyssinia.], the deacon Aton, and my attendant, left Aleppo in the caravan traversing a desolate desert. On Sunday, January 28, we were attacked by a great number of highway robbers who fought with the men of the caravan for fifteen hours. Two Turkish men in the caravan were killed and many wounded, not to mention a number of horses and camels which perished. Afterwards, the leader of another robbers’ band saved us from those who had attacked us, and exacted from the leaders of the caravan nine thousand gold pieces, each worth three rupees. Moreover, he seized our books and belongings and asked to be paid a great amount of silver as ransom. After our incredible distress, he exacted from us 1500 rupees and released our books and belongings. We thanked God for rescuing us from death and the robbers. If God had not sent this leader of the robber band to rescue us, those robbers who attacked us first would have looted the whole caravan and all our belongings and killed us. We arrived at a town called ‘Ana [ A town overlooking the Euphrates, situated between al-Raqqa and Hit], where we spent two months. But no one dared step outside for fear of the highway robbers. [This is because of a fight between the people of ‘Aana and the Arabs of Shammar. The Chorepiscopus Jirjis said, “Our journey was delayed because of this fight, and the overflow of the Euphrates was late. We became short of money and were forced to sell some of our belongings in order to buy provisions. Also, we borrowed a hundred rupees, while the leaders of the caravan took from us fifty piasters.” Then a customhouse official came from Baghdad and collected the customs duty from us.” ] . At the beginning of April we sailed the River Euphrates to Hilla and then to Baghdad, having suffered great expenses. [The Chorepiscopus Jirjis said that when they reached Hilla, they were informed that both land and river highways were cut off, and they could not continue to Basra without going first to Baghdad. So they did, and this detour cost them over a hundred rupees.] When we entered Baghdad, we met our brother Metropolitan Gregorius. But the Metropolitan (Severus) and the Chorepiscopus (‘Abd al-Nur) had already departed for Amid because of sickness. The said Mar Gregorius suffered all the adversities which plagued him, but never turned back. He remained in Baghdad for eleven months, until we met him and Rabban (monk) Yuhanna in that city. We hired a ship, and all of us came to Basra via the River Tigris, having spent about five hundred rupees. On Tuesday, May 8, we arrived in Basra and met with the President of the (Dutch) Company, named Manhar Kenifus (sic), who rented a house for us for eighty rupees. When we asked him to reimburse us for our passage and the journey’s expenses, he said that he could not pay us from the company’s funds because he had no authorization from the company officials. Promptly, deacon Anton said to him that he had with him a letter from the respected commodore addressed to the previous president of the company, who had left Basra, instructing him to pay the expenses of the maphryono and his companions from the company’s money. Kenifus insisted that he would not pay a penny from the company’s treasury. But he said that if the maphryono and his companions agreed, he would pay them from his own pocket an amount with 20% interest (that is, 80 rupees for 100) to aid them until they reached Cochin. So we had to borrow money because the creditors in both Aleppo and Basra were pressuring us to pay our debts, or else they will not permit us to leave Basra. Furthermore, we needed a great amount of money for the passage from Basra to Cochin. The problem is that we had to journey to Malabar. So, we borrowed from Kenifus 6660 rupees plus 1334 in interest, making a total of 8000 rupees. He also took from us a promissory note for this amount. From this amount we paid him eighty rupees for the rent of the house in Basra. We hired an English ship (since no ship of the Dutch Company was available) which cost us 700 rupees, deducted from the amount we had borrowed from Kenifus. We also paid from the same amount our expenses for food in Basra and aboard the English ship. Moreover, we spent too much money because of the famine in Basra, which was so severe that wheat became extremely dear. Nevertheless, we were forced to buy necessary food provisions in Basra. On Sunday June 24, (1750), we left Basra for the citadel of Bushir, where we were welcomed by an official of the Dutch Company. But no sooner had we departed Bushir than a southern storm raged. If it had not been for the intercession of Mary, Mother of God, we would have been drowned in the depths of the sea. From Bushir we came to the port of Bandar ‘Abbas, where the president, named Manhar Alexander received us with a great welcome. On the day of our arrival, another ship also arrived from Batavia Her captain told the president of the company that after ten days a ship would be coming from Batavia. The president and his men asked us to stay in Bandar ‘Abbas until its arrival. He said that as soon as this ship unloaded, he would send us aboard it to Cochin. He added that with this ship we would have an easy sail because it was large, and the ship on which we had come was too small. After all, he argued, the ship was bound for Bombay, and if we decided to continue the voyage on the ship in which we had come, we would bear heavy expenses. After hearing these words, we remained in Bandar Abbas for twenty days until the ship finally arrived from Batavia. We were overwhelmed with joy to see her come. Some days later, the president (of the Dutch Company) unloaded the ship. In the meantime, we bought necessary provisions and sent our baggage on board. But two or three days before our departure, a rumor circulated that pirates were on their way to pillage the port of Bandar ‘Abbas. When the president of the company heard the rumor, he would not let the ship leave, and we were seized by great fear. Soon another report circulated that those pirates had killed their leader and fled. It happened then that the chieftains of Persia were fighting each other and their fighting had intensified. One of these chieftains drew near the port (Bandar ‘Abbas). The president of the company feared this chieftain and would not let us leave. But no other ship was available. Thus we remained at this port for seven months, suffering great distress, fear, various sicknesses and pain, in addition to spending a thousand rupees. The chorepiscopus fell ill and remained so until now. On February 24, 1751 (the year 2062 of the Greeks), we left this port (Bandar ‘Abbas), with the company’s men, on board one of its ships and arrived at the port of Surat. Before the ship entered the harbor, we were attacked by two big pirate ships and twelve small ones which fought us for five hours. But the pirates could not overwhelm us and fled. On Sunday March 17, our ship docked at the harbor, and God saved us from those pirates. We remained on board and did not disembark at Surat until the president sent a boat to carry us from our ship to another one which carried us to Cochin. Before we entered the port of Cochin, however, we confronted a ferocious peril caused by a strong wind and rain. We became mightily distressed, but God saved us. Truly, our case was summarized in the words of the Prophet David , who said “.All your waves and breakers have swept over me.” (Psalm 42: 7.) Finally, the ship entered the harbor of the city of Cochin. The venerable commodore (of the Dutch Company) sent us a big company boat, which carried us to the port safely. We greeted him and broke bread with him on that day. We entered the port of Cochin on Tuesday April 23, which was the festival of Mar Jirjis the martyr, in the year 2062 of the Greeks/1751 A. D. The respected commodore had us await the arrival of Mar Iyawannis and Tuma, in order that they might reconcile and establish peace with each other. Twenty days after we entered the port, Metropolitan Iyawannis arrived, but Tuma did not. We wrote to him four friendly letters in succession, but he did not obey or come to meet with us. Metropolitan Iyawannis, however, kept quarreling with us every two or three days. He disagreed with our kind treatment of the native (Syrian) Christians and rather wanted us to treat them harshly. Every day he would antagonize those who came to visit us, beating some of them and insulting others. For this reason, we detained him at the port until a ship was available and decided to send him back to the Patriarch Mar Ignatius of Antioch. Mar Ignatius had in fact written us regarding, him saying, “If Metropolitan (Iyawannis) behaves himself, keep him, or else send him back to us.” The Dutch Company bore the expenses of all our needs. When the respected commodore and the company’s officials saw that Tuma had not come to meet with us, he allowed us to travel to Kandanad, hoping that Tuma would relent, obey our summons, and present himself to us. But he did not. The total amount the company spent for us for seventy-two days totaled 429 rupees. On Wednesday, July 3, the day of the festival of the Apostle St. Thomas, we left the port and visited the raja of Cochin. We were accompanied by the company’s men and soldiers and by the Jew Ezekiel Jawhari. [In 1751, when the maphryono and his clerics arrived in Cochin, the raja was Marthanda Varma of Travancore. This raja had conquered and annexed petty principalities, one of which was Cochin. It is most likely that the maphryono met this maharaja. Ezekiel was a Jew from Mattancherry. See F. E. Keay, A History of the Syrian Church in India, 3rd. ed. (Delhi, 1960), 62. Tr.] We met the raja and spent a short time in his presence. We presented him with five gold pieces, each one worth five rupees, which we had received from the honorable governor. We spent the night at the house of Ezekiel, and on Thursday, July 4, we arrived in Kandanad. The following is a breakdown of our debts to the company: We owed the company 8000 rupees which we borrowed in Basra, and 1000 rupees in Bandar ‘Abbas. The company also demanded from us the payment of 2000 rupees which Metropolitan Iyawannis had borrowed from it and given to Deacon Anton when he dispatched him to the Patriarch of Antioch. The deacon, however, spent the money on himself. The amount the company demanded from us totaled 11,454 rupees, not counting one rupee a day spent by the metropolitan.. Here ends the account of what happened to us and the debt we have incurred. [The Chorepiscopus Jirjs related that deacon Anton, who had come to Aleppo and then to Amid to seek the maphryono and his entourage in order to accompany him to Malabar, was greedy, poor in reasoning, and given to exaggerating promises. He deceived them with false hopes by overstating his ability to achieve their objectives. Jirjis criticized him severely for mismanaging their affairs and thereby causing them many problems.], [ E. M. Philip says that he had a Syriac copy of the dairy of Maphryono Basilius Shukr Allah and the account of his journey to Malabar. He translated it into English and incoeporated it in his book with slight variations. See E. M. Philip, The Indian Church of St. Thomas, 157-159, note 8 and Mar Severus Yaqub Tum, Tarikh al-Kanisa al-Suryaniyya al-Hindiyya, 132-138. Tr. ]. Following is a list of the transcribed religious books and church vessels which Patriarch Mar Ignatius Jirjis III sent to Malabar with Maphryono (Basilius Shukr Allah) and Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna in 1749. Their total number was forty-six ancient books. They include five Syriac Gospels, thirteen fanqithos (Service Books) for winter and summer seasons, four husoyos (supplicatory prayers) for both winter and summer seasons, eight liturgies, three ancient Syriac copies of the Old Testament, The Commentary on the Gospels by Bar Salibi, the Nomocanon (Book of Directions) by Bar Hebraeus, three copies of Psalms, a copy of the Ishhim (Service Book for Weekdays), a Funeral Service Book, the Order of Unction, church canons, and four books containing commentaries and church canons. The church vessels included a chalice and a paten, two crosses, three staffs, two plates for collection, two bells, a censer, two pairs of fans, three brass candlesticks, three pairs of cymbals, a jar of Holy Chrism, three crosses from Jerusalem, and relics of saints and other objects. The maphryono also brought with him three magnificent ancient manuscripts written in the Istrangelo script on vellum, and two other ancient manuscripts. The total number of manuscripts was eighteen, except for one printed book. They included a vellum copy of the Pentateuch in the Istrangelo script, a vellum copy of the Gospels in the Istrangelo script studded with silver, a copy of the Acts of the Councils in the Istrangelo script, the book of Mar Dionysius the Areopagite, an ancient Beth Gaz (Book of Church Melodies), a Commentary on the Gospels by Bar Salibi, a Commentary on Revelations in Syriac, a copy of the Psalms, the book of The Cause of all Causes, the book of Eupdox, a Service Book of Hymns for Principal Feasts, three copies of grammar, a Service Book on the Fast of Nineveh, a Service Book of Funerals, and a printed copy of the Ishhim (Service Book for Weekdays). You may imagine that the cost of these precious ancient manuscripts exceeded the amounts spent for our passage. When Tuma showed stubbornness, false affection, and sickness of heart and mind, the maphryono and Mar Gregorius reported his behavior to the patriarch on December 16, (1751). The patriarch replied on August 27 commending them for their struggle and patience. He comforted and encouraged them and wished them good. He revealed his displeasure about Tuma’s rebellious behavior, prevarication, and arrogance. [ This letter of Patriarch Jirjis III, dated August 27, 1752, was written in Garshuni. It was transliterated into Arabic script by the late Patirch Ephraim I, Barsoum probably in 1909 when he was still a monk at the Za’faran Monastery. Written in colloquial Arabic , the copy is in my possession. Tr. ] When two years had passed and the situation did not change, the patriarch issued a general proclamation in Syriac to the clergy and congregations of Malabar reprimanding Tuma for his intransigence. He declared that it was Tuma who had insisted and urgently appealed to him to dispatch Maphryono Shukr Allah alone to Malabar. Tuma had also promised to pay all the expenses of the maphryono’s passage. But, says the patriarch, Tuma reneged on his commitment and proved that he had no sense of responsibility. He went on to say that Tuma had been rebellious and for three years made no effort to visit the maphryono and Metropolitan Yuhana. Moreover, he did not pay any amount, big or small, or allow these church dignitaries to try to reform him. The patriarch ended by saying that if Tuma did not amend his behavior he should be condemned. Meanwhile, the patriarch wrote to Seigneur Gurian Setionis (sic), the governor of the citadel of Cochin, and the administrator of Malabar, explaining Tuma’s behavior and imploring him to take good care of the two church dignitaries. He further asked him to convince Tuma and have him tried, in order to reform his behavior, and reach an agreement with the two fathers of the church. If he obeyed, the patriarch would confer on him lawful ordination. If he disobeyed, the Apostolic See would consider him an enemy. The patriarch wrote the same words to Seigneur Ezekiel. But these efforts (of the patriarch) and those of the maphryono and his men were fruitless. Tuma, that wolf of petrified heart, persisted in his whimsical actions and arrogance. Unfortunately, some contemporary historians of Malabar try to justify his misdeeds, claiming that what actually led him to prevaricate was the enormous amount of money demanded from him, which he was unable to pay. This utterly futile pretext, however, could not absolve a fraction of Tuma’s intransigence or his transcending the boundaries of religion and social decorum. Some writers falsely alleged that, soon after their arrival, the maphryono and his companions interfered in the administration of the churches without consulting with Tuma, contrary to the tradition of the bishops of Malabar. Obviously this claim, if right, still could not vindicate Tuma’s repulsive behavior, but in fact it has no truth whatever. Indeed, the seventy-two days the fathers (the maphryono and the metropolitan) and their companions spent in Cochin were only to seek relief from the awful perils which threatened their lives, and to communicate with Iyawannis and Tuma. In fact, they had no church building available to conduct religious services or ordinations. The Chorepiscopus Jirjis, as mentioned earlier, has readily related the names of the churches which were then populated and the number of houses of Syrian parishioners. Likewise, in the detailed account of his journey he said that no one came to visit or greet them in Cochin except a few priests and laymen who happen to be living near by. In view of that, how could those biased writers ignore the great authority of the maphryono in the church of God, let alone the fact that he was a delegate of the Apostolic See? And how could they contrive excuses to vindicate a pretender who more than any other cleric needed to have the maphryono bestow on him the lawful priestly office by the laying on of his hands. Many years had passed since Tuma and his predecessor began knocking at the door of the Apostolic See, asking for a chief priest to confer upon them the office of the episcopate. Unfortunately, their letters had been lost or had fallen into European hands, and never reached their destination. Many problems prevented the Syrians of Malabar from obtaining their desired objective. Now that this objective was to become a reality, Tuma shunned it. How can we discredit the letters of the patriarch and the accounts of Maphryono (Shukr Allah) himself and the Chorespicopus Jirjis, both of whom were eyewitnesses? How can we overlook their letters, which constitute authentic documents and solid evidence, and lean on the fragile reed of allegations by modern writers who distorted the facts to suit their purpose, which has become well known in our time? If at that time the clergy and laity of the Syrian congregation of Malabar seemed silent or indifferent to the truth, it was because of the disgraceful inertia, ignorance, and psychological attitude which characterized the society of Malabar, as has been observed by contemporary writers. When the fathers (the maphryono and the metropolitan) saw the arrogance of Tuma and his partisans, the maphryono ordained monk Yuhanna of Mosul as metropolitan for Malabar and called him Iyawannis Yuhanna at his ordination in the church of Kandanad, at the end of 1752 or the beginning of 1753. He sent the new metropolitan to Tuma’s headquarters to administer the congregation and built with his own money a bishopric and a church at the town of Mattancherry in the province of Cochin, which had no church or bishopric. The maphryono, Metropolitan Gregorius, and the deacons resided at the bishopric he had built. He proceeded to administer the churches of Malabar with fatherly kindness, apostolic zeal, wisdom and determination. He persevered in inculcating religious learning and church discipline. An ancient historian of Malabar testified to his sagacity, wisdom, competence in religious sciences, and erudition. Many priests and deacons studied the Holy Scriptures and church rites under him. However, contemporary writers have belittled him and niggardly denied him the praise he deserves. The maphryono and the metropolitan issued necessary rules and orders and communicated with all parts (of Malabar). They were intent on purging the orthodox faith from the tares of heresies and objectionable customs which the Syrians of Malabar were practicing. They and the deacons taught a choice group of clergy religious sciences and prepared them to assume clerical offices. They abolished the celibacy of priests. Meanwhile, Maphryono Shukr Allah consecrated the Holy Chrism. Regarding the debt mentioned above, we have no idea how it was settled and no reliable ancient testimony concerning it. However, we have read in the writings of some contemporaries that the Dutch Company forced the government of Travancore to pressure Tuma and threaten him with banishment if he declined to pay the necessary amount. Tuma, however, paid some of the amount from the revenues of some churches; the rest he paid from the endowment of the Church of Niranam, which was sold. [F. E. Keay, A History of the Syrian Church in India, p. 62, says the Raja of Travancore, Marthanda Varma, compelled Tuma to pay the amount claimed.] After administering those vast regions competently for thirteen years and some months, Maphryono Shukr Allah was called home by his heavenly Chief Shepherd to be given a crown worthy of a faithful steward. He passed away on October 9, 1764, and was buried in the church of Kandanad. Metropolitan Gurgis of Niranam, of blessed memory, and Philipus mentioned that the Syrians of Malabar commemorate him every year in recognition of his virtues and righteousness. So ended the life of this striving hero, the high-minded Mar Basilius Shukr Allah, who was plagued by adversities but never quit. He endured the hardships of life with contentment, fortitude, and wisdom, despite the fact that some of his endeavors were not successful. He went to his Lord with a bright face, having shown his talents. May God be gracious to him! Had we obtained more information about him, we would have adorned his biography with it. But we were able to find only the following sources and write his biography after tremendous labor and patience. [These sources are: (1) the account in Syriac of the journey of Maphryono Shukr Allah to Malabar from 1748 to 1751; (1) a tract in Arabic by the Chorepiscopus Jirjis Tonborchi of Aleppo about the journey of the maphryono and a description of the conditions of the Syrian church in Malabar, up to November, 1751; (1) four letters of the Patriarch Jirjis III, preserved at the Patriarchal Library. Three of these letters are in Syriac, and one in Garshuni (Arabic written in Syriac script) preserved in their original form, of which we have copies; (1) two letters of Gregorius, metropolitan of Niranam and Metropolitan Eustathius Saliba, who was then a deacon, which they wrote in 1900; (1) two anonymous historical tracts in Syriac, the first written in 1820, and the second, more correct and precise, written shortly after 1838. Both brief tracts were written in Malabar; (6) two Syriac tracts, the first written by the Chorepiscopus Matta Konat in 1926, the second written by Timothy Awgen (Eugene), metropolitan of Kandanad, in 1932. Also, The History of the Indian Church of St. Thomas by Philip the Syrian of Malabar, 1902, and an English source by the priest Dr. Shapur Baba, 1909.) The fact that Maphroyono Shukr Allah’s mother and uncles were still living in 1785, indicate that he, may God be gracious to him, did not live long and died before he was sixty years old. As for the aforesaid Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna of Mosul, he was the only one ordained a bishop by Maphryono Shukr Allah. He was a deacon and then a monk at the Za’faran Monastery. He was ordained a priest by Patriarch Shukr Allah on December 15, 1724. After he became a bishop in 1752 or 1753, he competently served the Malabar church. He assisted Mar Gregorius in the ordination of Metropolitan Dionysius of Malabar on May 29, 1770. He was a great help to Mar Gregorius in the administration of the church of Malabar until his death in 1794 (or, it is sometimes said, in 1798). He served forty years as a bishop and died at the age of ninety. He was buried at the Church of Chenganur According to one source, he changed his name to Christophorus (Servant of Christ). [ E. M. Philip says that he ahs a copy of the journey of Maphryono Shukr Allah to Malabar. He translated it into English and incorporated it into his book The Indian Church of St. Thomas, under footnote 8 which extends from 157 to 159. There is also an Arbaic account of the journey and the activities of Maphryono Shukr Allah in Malabar by Mar Severus Yaqub Tuma (later Patriarch of Antioch Yaqub III), Tarikh al-Kanisa al-suryaniyya al-Hindiyya, 132-158.Tr. ] In his historical tract sent to his acquaintances in Aleppo, the Chorepiscopus Jirjis of Aleppo, already mentioned, said that some priests and deacons of Malabar related to him that Tuma of Malabar had an uncle, a chorepiscopus who styled himself a bishop. When he died, Tuma unduly assumed his office, carried his staff, and claimed to be a bishop. By virtue of his spurious office, he ordained deacons and priests by simony (ordination for money), charging each one he ordained ten to twenty rupees. He also lent money at usury. He could not even speak Syriac. Malabarian historical sources say that he remained disobedient (to the Apostolic See of Antioch) until he died in 1765, having unlawfully ordained one of his relatives a bishop. Realizing that his ordination was unlawful, the new bishop appealed to two Antiochian dignitaries, Gregorius of Khudayda, the Apostolic Delegate, and his deputy, Iyawannis Christophorus (Yuhanna of Mosul), to legitimize his ordination. They agreed and in 1770 re-ordained him a lawful bishop with the name of Dionysius I. See the biography of Metropolitan Gregorius in the previous issue of this magazine]. The Chorepiscopus Jirjis further said that in every church there were from two to five priests and a like number of deacons. Only about fifteen priests could speak Syriac, but they were not interested in our Syriac rite .Teaching them the Syriac language was a very difficult task. Most of them despicably slandered each other. The Syrian population numbered about 12,242 households [The total number of the Syrian population at that time was 61,210 souls if we assume an average of five people to one house, or 122,420 souls with an average of ten people to each house.], living in forty-seven towns and villages, and had forty-five churches. Most of them were extremely poor. The number of the rich among them was small except in the southern part of Malabar, where some wealthy people were found. Chorespiscopus Jirjis goes on to say that the southern province has not yet subjected itself to us (the Syrian Church) in order to allow us to visit it and ascertain its conditions. The fear of God, says Jirjis, was almost unknown in the countries he and the delegates visited. To continue the information (about the Syrian church in Malabar), we have appended a table of the names of the towns and villages where the Syrians lived, together with their numbers at the end of the year 1751. [Pp. 125-133 contain a Syriac account of the Journey of Maphryono Shukr Allah to Malabar, which has been already translated by Patriarch Barsoum into Arabic.. I have already translated it above into English.] Appendix to the biography of Maphryono Shukr Allah It has been proved to us that he (Shukr Allah) was ordained a priest in 1740. We found this information at the Library of Oxford, MS 667, or a small book written in a recent hand containing the Order of Matrimony and a short account of the affairs of Malabar (not very important), transcribed by a native of Malabar. It also contains a twelve-line ode in the Sarugite (twelve-syllabic) meter, composed in average language by the Chorepiscopus Jirjis of Aleppo, already mentioned, at Kandanad on August 9, 1751. The ode is a panegyric in praise of the maphryono and an appeal to the Syrians of Malabar to adhere to him and benefit by his teaching. We also found at Cambridge Library in England MS L204, one of the precious manuscripts Patriarch Jirjis III donated to the church of Malabar through the maphryono. Entitled The Book of the Prophets, this book is written in a good coarse western Istrangelo script. It is inscribed as follows: “This book was transcribed on January 4 by the lesser monk Basil, son of Shaykh Sa’id, known as the Maqdisi, at the Monastery of St. Barbara in the Mountain of Edessa in the year 1485 of the Greeks/1174 A. D. in the time of Mar Mikha’il, patriarch of Antioch and Mar Athanasius, metropolitan of Edessa.” The patriarch here is the famous Michael Rabo (the Great, d. 1199) and the metropolitan is Athanasius Denha of Edessa, who was ordained a bishop in 1171 and died in 1191. This significant manuscript was donated by the Metropolitan Dionysius I Tuma of Malabar to the Englishman Dr. Buchanan (Claudius Buchanan, 1770-1808) in the year 1807, one year before his death. 4) Severus Yuhanna, metropolitan of Malabar and then of Gargar (1749-1768) Severus Yuhanna was a native of Gargar (or Hisn Mansur, some say). He became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery and, after receiving religious education, was ordained a priest in 1742. For some time he was engaged in the transcription of Syriac books. There is an Order of Baptism at the church of the village of Awius in his handwriting, finished in 1747. At the village of Swayarik there is also a copy of the Gospels in Syriac, which he transcribed for the church of the village of Wank in 1750. Severus Yuhanna was ordained a bishop by Patriarch Jirjis III at the church of Amid in the middle of 1749. The patriarch sent him to Malabar with Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna of Khudayda (Qaraqosh) and the Chorepiscopus Abd al-Nur, son of Khawaja Aslan of Amid. (Chorepiscopus ‘Abd al-Nur donated service books and husoyos to our Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem. He was still living in 1760.) Upon arriving in Baghdad he remained in that city for a few months awaiting the arrival of Maphryono Shukr Allah. But he fell ill and returned to Amid with the chorepiscopus. He may have become the bishop of the diocese of Hattack. We found some ordinations done by him in the years 1752 and 1754 for the Churches of Qawm and Malaha of the same diocese. When the diocese of Gargar, which was then attached to Kharput and Hisn Mansur, became vacant after the transfer of Metropolitan Tuma of Qutrubul to Edessa in1758, the patriarch designated him a bishop of Gargar. He resided at Gargar until his death in the middle of 1768. He served the episcopate for nineteen years and was succeeded by Metropolitan Gregorius Anton of Edessa. 5) Cyril Rizq Allah, bishop of the Patriarchal Office and then of Mosul (1749-1772). Cyril Rizq Allah was the son of the Chorepsicopus Matta, son of the priest Rizq Allah, son of ‘Abd al-Karim Sa’ur (sextant) of Mosul of the noble family of Patriarch Jirjis II, of blessed memory. His father, the Chorespiscopus Matta, was a priest of the Church of St. Thomas in Mosul and was still living in 1705. Cyril Rizq Allah was born in Mosul in 1699 (as he himself said in the Jerusalem MSS). He studied church sciences under the priest Shim’un (Simon). He was ordained a deacon in 1718, and then a priest for St. Thomas Church by the Maphryono of the East Li’azar IV, shortly before 1726. In 1742, he visited Jerusalem. As a widower he became a monk at the Za’faran Monastery. Patriarch Jirjis III ordained him a bishop for the Patriarchal Office at the church of Amid and called him Cyril Rizq Allah at his ordination in the middle of 1749. When his cousin (his uncle’s son), Gurgis III, became Maphryono of the East in 1760 and was forced to stay at the Patriarchal Monastery (Za’faran), he appointed Cyril Rizq Allah as his deputy to the diocese of Mosul. He added to his responsibilities the vacant dioceses of the Monastery of Mar Behnam and the Monastery of Mar Matta. This situation continued until Behnam was appointed a bishop for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Behnam in 1762, and Metropolitan Matta was appointed a bishop for the diocese of the Monastery of Mar Matta in 1770. In 1768, Cyril Rizq Allah attended the Synod of Amid which elected Patriarch Jirjis IV, and partook in the ceremony of his consecration at the Za’faran Monastery. He remained at this monastery until the following year. While he was serving the diocese of the East for twelve years, the city of Mosul and its environs were afflicted with a horrible plague in 1772. Four thousand souls of the great village of Qaraqosh (Khudayda) perished, including seventy-two priests and deacons (according to a date etched in Syriac on a stone at the Church of Mar Gurgis in Qaraqosh). In the course of two months, four thousand parishioners of Mosul perished, including the entire group of priests. For three months, worship ceased in that church. Cyril Rizq Allah died on April 26 and was buried in the tomb of Patriarch Ishaq and the Maphryono Matta II. May God have mercy on them all! Inscribed on his tomb is the date of his death in the twelve-syllabic meter. He served his office for twenty-three years. He was, may God have mercy on him, a godly, zealous, and intelligent shepherd. He donated his Cross, on which were inscribed his name and the date of his ordination, to the Monastery of Mar Matta. Cyril Rizq Allah composed thirty-seven succinct homilies in plain style [Manchester, Mingana MS 277, transcribed in 1796], a short tract in Syriac on the rules of Syriac morphology [Three copies of this tract are at Mosul. One of them consists of 73 pages. A 17-page copy is at Berlin.), and the Order of Funeral for Nuns (Sharfa MSS]. The manuscripts which he transcribed in his good handwriting include Book of the Dove by Bar Hebraeus, which he started at Aleppo in 1742 and finished at Jerusalem; Book of the Councils by Severus ibn al-Muqaffa’, which he finished in 1742 (in the possession of the Chorepsicopus Bishara in Diyarbakr) when he was still a priest; a Book of Grammar or Introduction to Grammar and Semhe (The Book of Lights) by Bar Hebraeus, which he completed in 1736 (Cambridge MS 2011), and a scrapbook at the Library of the Za’faran Monastery (MS 234). 6) Athanasius ‘Abd al-Karim, metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office (1749-1755). Athanasius ‘Abd al-Karim was the son of the deacon Shahin Shammo, known as Ibn ‘Araqchinchi of Amid. His mother was Qamar. He was a brother of Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna of Amid, whose biography has been previously cited among the bishops ordained by Patriarch Shukr Allah. He traveled to Abyssinia and then to Malabar, India. He was rough and of harsh conduct, which caused him to fail. ‘Abd al-Karim was ordained a deacon in 1716 and then entered the Za’faran Monastery, where he assumed the monastic habit. He was ordained a priest in 1727, and for some time he and his brother moved to the Monastery of Mar Matta, but ‘Abd al-Karim returned to the Za’faran Monastery. In 1749, Patriach Jirjis III ordained him a bishop at Amid for the Patriarchal Office, calling him Athanasius ‘Abd al-Karim at his ordination. When his brother returned from Malabar at the end of 1752 to become the bishop of the diocese of Bedlis, ‘Abd al-Karim was in his company and spent the rest of his life in that diocese. He passed away in a village of Bedlis in 1755, shortly after the death of his brother [ According to the account of the deacon ‘Azar of Aleppo, mentioned earlier]. He was barely more than sixty years old. At the Monastery of St. Mark in the Bushairiyya, there is a Gospel transcribed in his handwriting and that of his brother. 7) Gregorius Tuma, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Iliyya (Elijah) in Qanqart (1750-1752). Gregorius Tuma was born in the city of Amid. He entered the Za’faran Monastery and assumed the monastic habit. He was ordained a priest by Metropolitan Cyril Jirjis Sani’a of Mardin in 1728. On June 1, 1750, Patriarch Jirjis III ordained him a metropolitan for the Monastery of Mar Iliyya (The Prophet Elijah) in Qanqart and called him Gregorius Tuma at his ordination [MSS at our Library, and the roster of bishops, a copy of which, transcribed by one of the contemporaries, is at Sadad).] The account of this monastery and its construction has already been discussed (see above). Patriarch Jirjis III mentioned him in his letter to Maphryono Shukr Allah and Metropolitan Yuhanna, dated August 27, 1752 [ See ancient letters in our library. This letter is in my possession. Tr.]. This is all the information we have about him. Most likely he did not live long. 8) Timothy Tuma, metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office, of Gargar, of Edessa, and then of Amid (1752-1773) . Timothy Tuma was a son of Saliba Halabiyya of Qutrubul. His mother was Maryam. He was born in Qutrubul, a village on the Tigris river opposite Amid. It was then populated by seven hundred Syrian families ministered to by eight priests. At an early age he desired the monastic life and, renouncing the world, he entered the Za’faran Monastery, where he studied religious science. On November 27, 1722, he was ordained a deacon by Timothy ‘Isa of Mosul, metropolitan of the monastery, and began to learn the Syriac language, of which he acquired a great portion. He moved to the Monastery of the Sayyida (the Virgin Mary) in Hattack and studied under its superior, Metropolitan Cyril Gurgis. The metropolitan clothed him with the monastic habit and then ordained him a priest in 1728. After his ordination he returned to the Za’faran Monastery and was engaged for some time in copying, in good hand, Syriac church books. In the middle of 1752, at the church of Amid, Patriarch Jirjis III ordained him a metropolitan for the Patriarchal Office and called him Timothy Tuma at his ordination. Gregorius Tuma, mentioned above, witnessed his ordination. Timothy resided at the church of Amid, serving the patriarch and copying books from time to time. He later resided at his native Qutrubul. Then the patriarch appointed him head of the diocese of Gargar, which became vacant with the death of Metropolitan Faraj Allah of Edessa. But Timothy did not hold on to this position. Around 1755, the patriarch transferred him to Edessa and changed his name to Severus, following the custom of the bishops of Edessa of that time, who changed their names. It is believed that he grossly misbehaved, for the patriarch condemned him for misbehavior. He suspended him from service, and then in October, 1762 condemned and banished him to the citadel of Alamiya, in the vicinity of Istanbul. Later Timothy repented and appealed to the patriarch for forgiveness. The patriarch forgave him, absolved him and restored him to his diocese. [See the roster of bishops, already mentioned.] In 1768, Timothy attended the Synod of Amid to elect Patriarch Jirjis IV. The new patriarch transferred him to the diocese of Amid in the latter part of that year. He assumed the name of Athanasius; the custom of changing the names (of bishops) affected him three times, which had never happened except in his case. He passed away in 1773, having served his office for twenty-one years, and was buried, as it is said, in the Church of St. Thomas at Qutrubul. His seal was inscribed as follows: “Timothy Tuma, metropolitan, 1752, the servant of God who seeks His grace.” [ In his Collection, the priest Gabriel Doulabani quotes Dionysius ‘Abd al-Nur, metropolitan of Amid (d. 1933), who in turn quotes some elders of his time, saying that Gregorius Tuma was nicknamed Alton Dishi, meaning “he of the gold tooth,” and that he was banished because of faith. He was known for his zeal. This account, however, cannot stand scrutiny and has been refuted by his contemporaries.] We have come upon some of the books he transcribed, including a Book of Husoyos for the Consecration of the Church and of Lent, which he completed at the Za’faran Monastery on June 20, 1749. This book was deposited at the church of the Mansuriyya. Other books include An Abridged Commentary on Psalms by the Salahi (Daniel of Salah (542), in Garshuni, which he completed on June 1, 1750 [This book is in the possession of Hanna Najmi in Diyarbakr.]; a Service Book for the Resurrection, which he finished on September 4, 1751, and which was donated by Patriarch Jirjis III to the church of Edessa; two parts of the Order of Funerals at the church of Amid, completed in the middle of October, 1752; two Service Books for the Summer, transcribed at Amid on May 24, 1755, and donated by the Chorespicopus Abd al-Nur Aslan to St. Mark Monastery in Jerusalem [ St Mark Monastery MSS 14 and 15)] a prayer book which he copied in 1756, at the village of Bati; and a medium-sized Service Book for Lent, which he transcribed at the end of his life in 1770, in Edessa. 9- Gregorius Yuhanna, metropolitan of Damascus (1754-1783). Gregorius Yuhanna was a most prominent church father of his time because of his zeal and determination. He was born Yuhanna Shuqayr, originally from Sadad, but is considered a man of Aleppo by birth and upbringing. Shuqayr was an ancient family of Sadad whose fame dates back to the year 1527 [ Bibliotheque Nationale, MS 289]. Its offshoots are still known in Sadad, although by a new name. Gregorius Yuhanna was thought to have been born in the first decade of the eighteenth century. He was attached to the church of Aleppo, and studied under Mapahryono Shukr Allah of Aleppo, of blessed memory. Having obtained a good part of the Syriac language and religious sciences, he was ordained a deacon before the year 1747 and then entered the Monastery of Mar Musa the Abbyssinian, where he engaged in religious devotion. He was ordained a priest by his superior, Bishop Sarukhan. Reports of his excellent character reached Patriarch Jirjis III at the time when the diocese of Damascus was saddened by the death of its Bishop Gregorius Tuma. This led the patriarch to designate him as his deputy in the diocese of Damascus in the middle of 1752. In 1754, the patriarch summoned him to Amid and ordained him a metropolitan, calling him Gregorius at his ordination. Metropolitan Timothy Tuma of Qutrubul witnessed his ordination. The patriarch, who, like his predecessor Patriarch Shukr Allah, was keen on the dissemination of learning among the clergy, noticed Gregorius’s activity, diligence, and knowledge of the Syriac language. He entrusted him with the translation of Michael Rabo’s Chronicle from Syriac into Arabic, in order to render it more beneficial and to publicize its excellent qualities. The new metropolitan undertook the work with utmost diligence. He translated this voluminous work, which contained profane and ecclesiastical history and natural phenomena, extending from the creation to the year 1196. [In his al-Lulu al-Manthur, Patriarch Aphram Barsoum said that this history extended to the year 1193. See Ignatius Aphram I Barsoum, al-Lulu al-Manthur, trans. Matti Moosa as The Scattered Pearls (Gorgias Press, 2003), 445.] It took him a year and six months to complete the translation of the whole work in three large volumes, of which he produced a rough copy. Then he made a fair Garshuni (Arabic in Syriac script) copy of it in his average handwriting, in one thick volume consisting of 770 large-sized pages. He worked on the translation at the Church of Mar Behnam in Damascus and completed it in the middle of September of the year 2070 of the Greeks/1795 A. D. He donated the copy to the patriarch in recognition of his support and encouragement. Gregorius Yuhanna mentioned that he had made this translation form two Syriac copies in the handwriting of the deacon Barsoum and Rabban Mikha’il, both of which were made from the copy by Metropolitan Musa of Sawar. Another copy was made by Rev. Mikha’il ‘Urbishi, later a metropolitan of Gargar, which he came upon at the Monastery of Mar Abhai. As for the first copies that Gregorius Yuhanna made, we found no trace of them [Za’faran MS. The number of the MS is missing.]This translation was made in average Arabic language, of slightly archaic and plain style, similar to that of most of his contemporaries. But it displays his utmost determination, fortitude and love of knowledge. May God reward him for his contribution and shower him with his mercy. [I tend to disagree with Patriarch Aphram Barsoum regarding the style of Gregorius Yuhanna Shuqayr. I have read his translation in Garshuni at length and used it in writing my manuscript on the Crusades. Although Yuhanna’s diction and style clearly do not match Barsoum’s florid and hyperbolic language, they are simple and articulate. In general, for its simplicity and articulation, Shuqayr’s work rivals the modern translation of the same work by Mar Gregorius Saliba Shim’un, metropolitan of Mosul (Dar Mardin: Aleppo, 1996). To the modern reader, of course, Shim’un’s translation is in conformity with the language used today in the Arab world. Still, this should not diminish the value of Yuhanna Shuqyr’s translation. But both translators, lacking access to foreign sources, especially Latin and Greek, copied the names of men and events as they appear in their garbled form in the original Syriac, rendering them unintelligible. Tr.] From Yuhanna’s translation the copy of Sadad was made in 1764; and two more copies in Mosul, dated 1846 and 1870, found their way to London and Amid. It is also thought that Gregorius Yuhanna was the author of a historical tract of biographies of four patriarchs, Jirjis II, Ishaq, Shukr Allah, and Jirjis III, to which he appended the names of the bishops they ordained from 1587 to 1795. From these were made two copies; one, dated 1887, is at present at the Vatican, and the other, dated 1899, is at St. Mark Monastery in Jerusalem. [The British Museum copy is MS 4402.Tr. ] In 1771, Gregorius Yuhanna attended the ordination of Musa, bishop of the Monastery of Mar Musa, at the Za’faran Monastery [ According to a copy of his Systaticon at our Library. ]. In 1781, when the patriarchal see became vacant, he was unable to attend the synod for the election of a new patriarch because of old age and because the Metropolitan Mikha’il Jarwa was assaulting the Orthodox faith. Instead, Gregorius Yuhanna wrote a letter to the assembled fathers in which he incorporated the principles of the Orthodox faith. It was well received by the fathers and the faithful. After administering his diocese as a guide and preacher, and after keeping the wolves away from it for twenty-nine years (according to a letter written in verse by Bishop Ibrahim of Sadad in July, 1772), Shuqayr passed away in June, 1783, and was buried in the church of Damascus. Gregorius Yuhanna composed in colloquial Arabic spiritual songs, one of which, on the Resurrection, is chanted even today in most of the Syrian churches. It begins, “The holy fasting of Christ ended in peace;” a pleasant song about the Virgin begins, “The praise of the Virgin is sweet to me.” Still another song on Mar Musa the Abyssinian begins thus: “I begin by the name of the Almighty God.” [ According to an MS of Homs and its villages.] Of his transcribed manuscripts, we have come upon a book of homilies by Maphryono Shim’un, which he copied for Tuma, bishop of Damascus, and completed on December 16, 1747; the Ethicon, by Bar Hebraeus, in Garshuni, which he copied for the deacon ‘Aziz, son of ‘Azar Shamiyya of Aleppo, completed on August 2, 1752; a Beth Gazo (book of church melodies) which he competed on June 18, 1747 [ Sharfa MS 35] ; and a Synaxarium (The Lives of Holy Saints), by a Coptic writer, which he completed on June 9, 1771 and donated to the Church of the Virgin, Mar Qawma and Mar Dumit at the village of Rashayya. [ This Synaxarium is at the Church of Mar Musa in Damascus.] The seal of Gregorius Yuhanna was large and circular, bearing the following inscription, “By the grace of God, his servant Gregorius Yuahanna, Metropolitan of Damascus, 1756.” He dated it two years after his ordination. 10) Gregorius Shim’un, metropolitan of Bushairayya (1760-1772). Gregorius Shim’un, of Armenian origin, was a native of the village of Kufra, in the vicinity of Gharzan in the province of Bedlis, to which he ascribes his origin. At an early age he joined the Syrian Church and entered the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos in Bushairiyya. He studied the Syriac language under Metropolitan Gregorius Boghos (Paul), head of the said diocese (1731-1764). Metropolitan Boghos clothed him with the monastic habit and then ordained him a priest shortly before 1737. Upon the resignation of Boghos, Patriarch Jirjis III, who recognized his ability, ordained him a metropolitan for the Bushairiyya diocese at the church of Amid in 1760 and called him Gregorius Shim’un at his ordination We came upon copies of his ordination of deacons and priests for the Monastery of Mar Quryaqos and Se’ert and its villages from 1760 to 1769 [ MS at the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark]. In 1768, he attended the synod which elected Patriarch Jirjis IV and participated in his installation. He was still living on March 11, 1771. It is believed that he died in the following year, having served his office for twelve years. He was succeeded by Iyawannis Ni’ma, or Tu’ma, of Sadad. 11) Basilius Gurgis, Maphryono of the East (1760-1768). Basilius Gurgis, metropoiltan of Hattack, and then of the Za’faran Monastery and of Mardin, was a son of the deacon Musa, of the family of the priest ‘Abd al-Jalil of Mosul, His biography up to the year 1760 has already been discussed. When the See of the East became vacant with the death of Maphryono Basilius Li’azar IV in September, 1759, Patriarch Jirjis III ordained him a Maphryono of the East at the church of Amid in September, 1760, and called him Basilius Gurgis. He was the third by this name and the ninetieth of the Maphriyonos of the East. His ordination was attended by Gregorius Jirjis, metropolitan of Jerusalem, Bishop Cyril Rizq Allah, and Gregorius Shim’un, metropolitan of Bushairiyya. The administration of the Patriarchal Monastery (Z a’faran Monastery) was entrusted to him because the patriarch was residing in Amid. Meanwhile, he appointed Bishop Cyril Rizq Allah, son of his aunt on his father’s side, as his deputy to administer the diocese of Mosul. Basilius Gurgis managed the diocese of Mardin with commendable ardor. In that year, 1760, he donated from his own money to the Za’faran Monastery a pair of fans, each weighing 400 dirhams, a silver four-branched chandelier, a six-branched chandelier, and two small lamps [ MSS of the Church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin, and of the Za’faran Monastery)] He ordained three bishops. Eight years and six months later, he ascended the patriarchal throne, as shall be seen shortly.. 12) Gregorius Behnam, metropolitan of Ma’dan (1761-1769). Gregorius was a native of Ma’dan. He became a novice at the Za’faran Monastery in 1742 and then a priest. In 1761, at the church of Amid, Patriarch Jirjis III ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Ma’dan, whose seat was at the monastery of Mar Quryaqos, and called him Gregorius Behnam. We found his name in some manuscripts up to 1769, when he and nine other bishops presented themselves to Patriarch Jirjis IV on March 8 [ According to A Service Book for Major Feasts at the church of Diyarbakr]. The year of his death is unknown. But based on the ordination date of his successor Dionysius Shim’un (1779), he must have died shortly before that year, and God knows best. 13) Dionysius Mikha’il, metropolitan of Aleppo (1766-1775). Dionysius Mikha’il was the son of deacon Ni’mat Allah, son of Mikha’il Jarawa [ According to a service book for feasts at the Church of St. Mark Monastery, Jerusalem MS 11]. He was born at Aleppo on January 3, 1721. He acquired a smattering of church sciences under Maphryono Basilius Shukr Allah of Aleppo, and was ordained a deacon around 1747. In 1757, Jirjis of Aleppo, metropolitan of Jerusalem, ordained him a priest. [ According to his Homologia (Confession of Faith) at the Za’faran Monastery]. In 1758, Patriarch Jirjis III appointed him his deputy for the vacant Aleppo diocese. In 1765, he visited the patriarch at Amid and remained in that city for one year. When the congregation of Aleppo chose him as their metropolitan, the patriarch ordained him, on February 23, 1766, at the church of Amid and called him Dionysius at his ordination. His ordination was attended by Metropolitan Jirjis, already mentioned. Inscribed on his seal was the following: “By the mercy of God, Metropolitan Mikha’il of the city of Aleppo, 1766.” At that time, the Latin (Roman Catholic) padres were casting their nets to ensnare the simple folks of the various Eastern churches in order to adopt their doctrine. As a stratagem, they used innovative Latin ritual customs which found acceptance among many Syrians of Aleppo. Meanwhile, the French consul, Peter Depiere Derio, played a great role in assuring these people of the assistance of his government. Both the Latin padres and the French consul enticed the Syrians to install their own patriarch in Aleppo. Metropolitan Mikha’l Jarwa fell into their trap and his doctrine became corrupted because he attached himself to them. Patriarch Jirjis wrote to him, offering him counsel and guidance. He invited him to come to the Za’faran Monastery in the hope of correcting his waywardness. Mikha’il Jarwa journeyed to the Za’faran Monastery, where he remained for a long time, but to no avail. Eventually, he fled back to Aleppo. There he stopped mere prevaricating and resorted to open perfidy. In 1774, he renounced the Holy and Orthodox (Syrian) Church, declaring that he had joined the Western Latin (Roman Catholic) faith. Most of the Syrian congregation and priests of Aleppo also joined this faith. [Rabbath, Inedits Documents, 1: 592] They did this arbitrarily and out of ignorance, having been infected by an old leaven which had been fermenting since the time of Andrew Akhijan of Mardin and Peter Bedin of Edessa in the middle of the previous (seventeenth) century. [Akhijan was a Syrian Orthodox cleric who was entrapped by Latin friars and converted to Catholicism in the seventeenth century. The Latins had him ordained as an unlawful patriarch of the schismatic group of the Syrian Church, which today is known as Syrian Catholics. Tr.] We need not mention that most Syrians then lacked religious knowledge and understanding of the Syriac language of their fathers. Thus, they became a prey to seducers. When the patriarch saw the danger which was threatening the diocese, he traveled to Aleppo accompanied by a number of bishops and monks, arriving in the city on May 22, 1775. He gained control of the church building (which had been seized by the schismatics) and punished the bishop (Jarwa) and his faction. This cost him thirty purses, or 15,000 piasters, equivalent to 1,500 golden liras [ According to the letter of Chorepiscopus Yaqub (Jacob) of Qutrubul in refutation of Mikha’il Jarwa in 1775]. The schismatics, however, re-seized the church building, using foreign (French) influence and bribing the (Ottoman) officials. The patriarch returned to his see and suspended and anathematized the metropolitan (Jarwa). Meantime, a friend of Jarwa named Yusuf Qudsi, leader of the small schismatic faction, arrived in Aleppo denouncing and challenging Jarwa. But the French consul supported Jarwa and banished the Latin padres who opposed him. [Rabbath, Inedits Documents, 2: 592-597] Patriarch Jirjis obtained a firman (royal edict) ) from the Ottoman government to banish the culprit (Jarwa) and a number of his supporters, but Jarwa escaped, as usual, to Latakia and then to Cyprus. Finally he ended up in Egypt. At the end of 1777, the patriarch ordained Dionysius ‘Abd Allah Shidyaq of Aleppo as metropolitan for Aleppo. In 1778, Mikha’il Jarwa fled from his place of exile and returned to Aleppo after bribing the Wali (governor) with a great amount of money. Bribery was a plague of the Ottoman governors, whose state then was at its worst, having turned its judicial principles topsy-turvy. Stiill, Mikha’l Jarwa was not satisfied with what he had done. When the patriarchal see became vacant with the death of Patriarch Jirjis IV on July 21, 1781, he became driven by ambition and ill intentions to possess it. He was encouraged by the Western (European) Roman Catholics, who enticed him to snatch the leadership of the (Syrian Orthodox) Church in any manner conceivable. He proceeded to accomplish his intention by means of bribery with the support of a few parishioners who had fallen into the same (Roman Catholic) trap, especially in the city of Mardin, where some Syrians had been secretly dancing to the (Roman Catholic) tune for sixteen years. They were instigated by those Armenians and Chaldeans who had already embraced the papal doctrine. Jarwa arrived in Mardin in the middle of November, bearing gems and gifts for its officials in order to achieve his goal. He resided at the Church of the Forty Martyrs. He almost choked to see that the majority of the Syrians supported the patriarchal deputy, Cyril Matta, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Matta and Mosul. His stratagem was to offer hefty bribes to the Ottoman governors of Diyarbakr, Mardin, and Baghdad, to which Mardin was then subject. What helped him most, though, is the corruption of the Ottoman state and the degeneration of the feudalistic system. This corruption was most noticeable in Mardin, whose administration was controlled by ignorant and tyrannical Kurdish aghas (lords) who understood only the worst aspects of life. They took turns in the administration of the city for short periods, during which they satiated their greed with licit and illicit money. [In the time of the Ottoman Sultan Mustafa III (1757-1773), corruption, bribery and treason reached an unimaginable level. In the reign of his successor, ‘Abd al-Hamid I (1773-1787), chaotic conditions of the state became paramount, and calamities afflicted the Ottoman state so much that it caused the sultan to die from grief. See Shakib Arslan, Appendix to the Prolegomena of Ibn Khaldun, pp. 270-275.] Being corrupt and used to bribery, these governors strongly supported Jarwa in achieving his aim. But the Syrian Orthodox people, who adhered to their faith, renounced Jarwa’s schismatic dereliction. Two bishops, Cyril Matta and his brother Metropolitan Julius ‘Abd al-Ahad, superior of the Za’faran Monastery, challenged him to return to the church’s fold, but he kept persisting in this stubbornness. He became even more intransigent. What encouraged him most, however, was his reliance on a small group which was instigating him to return stealthily to Aleppo. He repaired to Aleppo to add more fuel to the fire of enmity, schism and sedition. He borrowed, as he said, a great amount of money to offer as a bribe to the Kurdish governor of Mardin, ‘Isa Beg, son of Muharram Beg Mulli. He likewise bribed the notables of the city, who supported him against his opponents (the Syrian Orthodox) and even forced them to join him. His faction offered the governor an amount of money which he sent to Sulayman Pasha al-Kabir Abu Sa’id, Wali of Baghdad, requesting him to install their man, Mikha’il Jarwa, as patriarch. They also offered Sulyman Pasha six thousand piasters to obtain a decree from the Ottoman State (Sultan) recognizing Jarwa as patriarch. Thirty days later, the Wali of Baghdad issued an order to the governor of Mardin to install Jarwa as patriarch over the Za’faran Monastery. The governor obeyed, as Jarwa himself said. Furthermore, Jarwa ensnared two (Syrian Orthodox) bishops, Iyawannis Tu’ma or Ni’ma of Sadad, who was bishop of Midyat (1779-1780), and Athanasius Musa Sabbagh of Aleppo, who was a newcomer to the monastic order and the priesthood. He was ordained a priest-monk in 1777. He was sent by the patriarch to Azekh in the fall of 1780 to collect the patriarchal tithes and to supervise the building of its church. Sabbagh remained at Azekh until the summer of 1781. When he learned of the death of the patriarch, hoping to fulfill his ambition, he called on the Maphryono of Tur Abdin, Saliba. He coaxed the maphryono to ordain him a bishop. The maphryono agreed and ordained him a bishop, but without a diocese [ MSS of Azekh and Tur ‘Abdin]. Sabbagh turned to Jarwa, hoping to find him a position. Meantime, the governor (of Mardin) forced two more bishops, Gregorius Bishara of Bedlis, metropolitan of Jerusalem, and Cyril Ibrahim Baddi of Mardin, another new priest in the service of the Patriarchal Office, to defect. Jarwa took these bishops to the Za’faran Monastery and forced them to ordain him as patriarch, as he claimed. According to church law, no patriarch can be ordained without a synod of bishops, which must elect him to be patriarch. This usurpation of the patriarchate occurred on January 25, 1782. Jarwa returned to Mardin to force the congregation and clergy to join him. He even had his opponents thrown into prison. These sad events, however, displeased Metropolitan Matta, his brother, and the clergy of the Syrian Church. To avoid Jarwa’s machinations, the two bishops fled at night to Qal’at al-Imra’a and then to Tur ‘Abdin, accompanied by a great number of monks. They met with Barsoum of Arbo, Patriarch of Tur ‘Abdin, Maphryono Saliba, and other bishops of Tur ‘Abdin. They convened a synod and discussed the disaster inflicted on the Apostolic See by the usurper (Jarwa). They denounced Jarwa and chose Metropolitan Cyril Matta. They took him to the Monastery of Mar Abai in Qellith and ordained him a Maphryono of the Patriarchal See. The new maphryono began his position by ordaining four bishops. On February 6, 1782, the festival of Cana of Galilee, they celebrated his consecration as Patriarch of Antioch. The new patriarch sent his brother to the Ottoman capital to obtain a royal decree of his investiture. Meanwhile, Mikha’il Jarwa contacted the governor of Amid, ‘Abdi Pasha, who forced some of its (Syrian Orthodox) people to join Jarwa. He also arrested Jarwa’s opponents and threw them in chains into prison on February 16 and March 3. Among them were the priests Fath Allah, Yaqub Shami, and Yeshu’, son of Jabi, and others. But they were later released and returned to their (Syrian) church. Metropolitan Bishara and Metropolitan Ibrahim managed to escape Jarwa’s coercion and joined the patriarch. Jarwa resided for six months at Mardin and then at the Za’faran Monastery. He stretched out his hand to rob the valuable vessels and manuscripts of the monastery, which he sent to Aleppo. [ I personally saw these manuscripts and checked some of them at the Sharfa Monastery in Lebanon in the summer of 1968. When I asked the monk who showed them to me to whom they had originally belonged and how they got to the Sharfa Monastery, he was timid and reluctant to give me a satisfactory answer. When I told him that Mikha’il Jarwa was the one who looted the Library of the Za’faran Monastery and its manuscripts, which ended up in the Sharfa Monastery, the host monk kept silent and said not a word. Tr. ] He resorted to trickery, bribery, and calumny to obstruct the activities of Patriarch Matta. He even succeeded in having the governor of Mardin summon the patriarch and his bishops and cast them in chains into prison. Three days later, the prison collapsed from heavy rain, and God saved the prisoners. The governor let them go free. On their way to the village of Qutrubul, whose congregation had invited them for a visit, Mikha’il Jarwa and his partisans bribed the governor of Amid, who arrested them. They were twelve in number, including the patriarch, a metropolitan, and monks. The governor was about to execute them, but they ransomed themselves for twelve purses (six thousand piasters). Meanwhile, Metropolitan ‘Abd al-Ahad returned to Mardin carrying the sultan’s decree of the patriarch’s investiture, which caused the Syrian Orthodox people to rejoice. Both the governor and the qadi (religious judge) of Amid had the decree officially registered, and handed over the church building (which had been seized by Jarwa) to Patriarch Matta. The patriarch came to Mardin and was received cordially by the governor of the city, who offered him his own mule to mount as he entered the city. The patriarch entered Mardin and proceeded to the Church of the Forty Martyrs with great pomp, in which the whole city celebrated. He evicted the usurper from the church premises, and Jarwa left discomfited and humiliated. The patriarch advised Jarwa once more to desist from schism, but to no avail. Seeing that he was still insistent on his error, the patriarch had no choice but to banish him to the Khatuniyya citadel, situated on a small lake near the Sinjar Mountain in northern Iraq. But Jarwa, using bribery, succeeded in changing his place of banishment to the city of Mosul, and then to Baghdad. Meanwhile, the patriarch obtained a special firman (royal decree) for his banishment and some of his partisans because he had disturbed the peace of the governors and their subjects by planting seeds of sedition among them. When Jarwa realized that he was cornered and his bribes were ineffective, he feared the consequences of his wickedness. He left Baghdad in disguise at night on a camel’s back. He passed through barren country until he reached the village of ‘Adra, near Damascus, populated by Muslims. He sent a message to the few acquaintances who had secretly kept his faith, but they refused to receive him for fear of the governors. Being vagrant and fugitive, Jarwa found refuge in a ruined monastery belonging to the Maronites, in the village of Beit Shabab in the Kisrawan Mountain, in Lebanon. Months later, he was compelled to leave the monastery when Maronite nuns came to abide in it. The nuns had escaped the ravages of the war then going on between the Amir Yusuf al-Shihabi (1770-1790) and two other amirs of his own family who had challenged his authority. Worse still, Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, the governor of Sidon, had occupied the country (Lebanon). So Jarwa went to stay in a small monastery newly built in the village of Shaybaniyya, called the Monastery of Mar Ephraim al-Raghm [ Built in 1709 and destroyed by fire in 1841]. The monastery was inhabited by a few adherents of his faith, including his friend Yusuf Qudsi, who it is said was a merchant. These men, however, disliked his staying at the monastery because they were aware of his case and abhorred his cunning. For four months more he stayed with a destitute peasant. At the beginning of 1785, he rented a small house at the Sharfa of Der’un as his residence. Jarwa realized that his nets were torn up and his endeavors in the country of Beth Nahrin met with failure. Also, he despaired of receiving aid from the French government through his friends. France was in turmoil; the Revolution erupted in 1789, and King Louis XVI and his wife Marie Antoinette were guillotined in 1793 [ Despite his intelligence, King Louis XV was lazy and profligate. In his reign (1743-1774) there was turmoil in political affairs, where women had the upper hand. His grandson and successor, Louis XVI, was likewise of good heart and character, but of timid disposition and will. He failed to reform France which revolted against him. See Scond, The History of France, pp. 380, 386, 434.] In his predicament, Jarwa turned to Spain. He wrote to a Spanish countess about his condition in a tear-compelling manner asking for help. The countess sent him some money which enabled him to settle his debts and buy the house he had rented. He remained in this condition until his death on September 15, 1800, having suffered for two years from serious diseases. As for Metropolitan Ni’ma of Sadad, he spent his life attached to Jarwa. He was indolent and is not remembered for any achievement. So was Bishop Musa of Aleppo, a liar who joined Jarwa out of ambition, hoping to receive a better position in the church. When he failed, he became embittered and turned against Jarwa. He remained at home in Aleppo, desperate and inactive, avoiding Jarwa’s partisans until his death shortly after 1818. After the death of Mikhai’l Jarwa, his few partisans continued plotting against each other for thirty more years. Since they were only two or three bishops without dioceses, except the bishop of Qaraqosh, they sought the aid of bishops of Western (Latin) denominations to be ordained to a higher office. If it is true, as was believed then, that Jarwa spent 50,000 piasters on his schismatic manipulations, and that his schism cost the Syrian Orthodox Church 150,000 piasters, estimated at 20,000 to 25,000 golden liras, one would realize how much damage this wicked man did the church. This is not to mention the moral and spiritual harm, which is far more serious than any other hurt he caused the church. Unfortunately, when wicked intentions possess the heart, they will corrupt it. And when ignorance controls the mind of man, it will cause him to lose his way. We have collected the above information briefly from trustworthy eyewitnesses whose testimonies are unanimous. [ See the roster of the Syrian patriarch by Metropolitan ‘Abd Allah al-Shidyaq (d. 1801), derived from a copy in his own handwriting found at the home of Hannush al-Khuri Yusuf in Diayarbakr; a short roster of bishops appended by a contemporary to the Chronicle of Patrarich Mikha’il Rabo, in the two copies of Sadad and Jerusalem; the comment of Deacon Mikha’il, son of Dawud of Nabk, in the Book of Husoyos for Lent in 1783, and another one by Metropolitan Elias al-Akhras (d. 1792) and others.] It is not true, as Jarwa himself claimed, that what he did was done with meekness (Jarwa’s story in his own words), as did some of his later followers, who fabricated his life-story and lavished praise on him, describing him as the paragon of knowledge and righteousness. [ See Viscount Philip Tarrazi, al-Salasil al-Tarikhiyya fi Asaqifat al-Abrashiyyat al-Suryaniyya (Beirut, 1910), 212-228, and Dionysius Afram Naqqasha, Kitab Inayat al-Rahman fi Hidayat al-Suryan (Beirut, 1910), 186-217. In fact, the greater part of this book is about Jarwa. Both of these sources are highly biased and should be read with utmost caution. Tr.] One of them, however, refuted them, ascribing to Jarwa ignorance, cunning and machination. [The reference here is to Metropolitan Jirjis Shahin (1839-1927), a Syrian Catholic who was totally displeased with his church and its chief clerics. But he did not leave it. He wrote two monographs admitting that his own people had seceded from the Syrian Orthodox Mother Church. Specifically, he discussed Mikha’il Jarwa in his monograph entitled Kashf al-Anqiba ‘an Wujun al-Mu’allifin wa al-Mu’arrikhin al-Kadhaba (Removing the Veils from the Faces of False Writers and Historians: Beirut, 1911). On p. 12, he says about Mikha’il Jarwa, “He, may God have mercy on him, was dumb; his speech was marked by stuttering. People did not like the way he spoke. But he was clever and cunning. Thus, when Aphram Naqqasha of Mosul said in Inayat al-Rahman, p. 330, that Patriarch (Jarwa) was eloquent, having a sweet manner of speech, that is but one of the many lies with which he embellished his book. Tr.] This view was corroborated by some of Jarwa’s letters, addressed to the distinguished Western people who supported him, which he embellished with obvious phases of pride, arrogance and false zeal. He did not even feel ashamed to display in them his disdainful treatment of his lord, the patriarch of Antioch, who had ordained him a metropolitan. Outwardly, he showed affection and obedience to the patriarch, but inwardly, he harbored disobedience and schism. Jarwa had a speech impediment which caused him to stammer, not to mention his ignorance of both Syirac and Arabic languages and belles-lettres. Appendix to the Biography of Basilius Shukr Allah of Aleppo, maphryono of Malabar Preface We have already published the biography of Maphryono Shukr Allah, of blessed memory, which we gathered from different historical sources in some libraries. They include the tract written by the Chorepiscopus Jirjis Tunburji of Aleppo, in the colloquial language of Aleppo and sent to his acquaintances in that city. In this tract, Tunburji recorded in detail the account of the journey of the maphryono and his companions to Malabar (see above). Tunburji’s tract, however, is defective at the beginning. It begins with the arrival of the maphryono and his entourage at the citadel of Cochin. Recently, we found another copy of this tract, written in the hand of the author which contains the lacunas in the first one. It ends with the arrival of the travelers in Baghdad, where they remained for twelve days. However, it still lacks an account of their stay in Baghdad, prior to their arrival at the citadel of Cochin. This second copy consists of 17 small-sized pages and begins with the first chapter of the voyage. We have also come upon a copy transcribed from a small notebook containing the account of the maphryono (of blessed memory) for a whole year, from October 1751 to October 16, 1752. It is written by Maphryono Shukr Allah himself and consists of 31 pages, 11 lines each. Since these two sources contain accounts written with great accuracy, and elucidate what we have said earlier, and also they correct what we have quoted from other copies which we acquired through translations of Malabarian writers, we thought of publishing both accounts for more benefit. We have corrected most of the linguistic and grammatical errors in both of them while keeping the original intact as much as possible. We have commented on both for the sake of elucidation and emendation of what has already been written. Following is the first tract: In the Name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate We proceed to write the account of our journey from Aleppo and what happened to us. We left Aleppo on Sunday afternoon, January 7, (1750). We were seen off by the deacon Ni’mat Allah Shidyaq and his cousin Anton, the deacon Ni’mat Allah Jarwa, the deacon Anton al-Wakil, and a great number of priests, deacons and laity. We, the weak, the Maphryono Shukr Allah, son of the deacon Musa Qasabchi, the Chorepiscopus Jirjis, son of Chorepiscopus Ni’ma, and deacon Anton, son of the priest Sim’an, bade them farewell and entrusted them to God, the Benevolent: In our company were also three attendants: deacon Musa, son of the sister of Bishop Tuma (see above the biography of Tuma, Bishop of Damascus (d. 1750)) , deacon Hidaya, nephew of Maqdisi Elias al-Azraq (The Malabarians changed the name of Shammas Hidaya to Addai), and Shamaya, an Indian Jew who hailed from India with deacon Anton. When those who had come to see us off left, we proceeded to a village called ‘Assan [Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan, 6: 172, says that ‘Assan is a village in the vicinity of Aleppo, about a farsakh (four miles) distant. Could he mean Ashin, a village near Aleppo? See Chorepiscopus Barsoum Ayyub, al-Usul al-Suryaniiya fi Asma’ al-Mudun wa al-Qura al-Suryaniyya (Dar Mardin, 2000), p. 237.] The maphryono mounted a beast while we walked because beasts were not available. We arrived in the village at dinner time very tired and slept the night. We woke up in the morning and hired eight camels for the second time because the Bedouin, Salih, had not even one camel [In Chapter 13 of his tract, the Chorepiscopus Jirjis explains the reason camels were not available: “Rizq Allah and Gabriel Chalabi, sons of Jarwa, sold pieces of cloth to Salih al-Fukayli on credit. As they had no means of getting back their money, they deserted us in order to find another source of money. They arranged a deal with Salih al-Fukayli to hire camels for us and charged us two hundred piasters. When we got to the village of ‘Assan, the common saying, ‘we have seen neither a camel nor camels,’ truly applied to our condition. So we hired camels for the second time.” This Rizq Allah is son of Mikha’il. Gabriel is the son of deacon Ni’mat Allah, son of Mikha’il Jarwa. The first Rizq Allah is the uncle of Metropolitan Mikha’il Jarwa; the second one, Gabriel, is his brother.] I, the weak Chorepiscopus Jirjis, and our father the maphryono rode in litters, while the rest rode on camels. Those from whom we hired the camels were four men: al-Hajj Ramla, Faris, Hasan, and another Faris. We traveled for a few days until the eighth day, when we camped near al-Sukhna [Yaqut, 5: 47, identifies it as a village in the Syrian desert between Tadmur (Palmyra), ‘Urd and Arak, whose people were Arabs.] on Sunday, January 14. We remained for a day at al-Sukhna because a camel of Hajj Ibrahim ibn Waranka of Baghdad had died, and the merchandise it was carrying was left in the wilderness and had to be retrieved. This was done, and on Tuesday we proceeded to al-Tiba. Riding in camel litters caused us trouble, and we were forced to break them and toss them into the wilderness. We hired a work-horse for our father the maphryono, and I mounted the camel of the discarded litter. There were about twenty horses and mules in the caravan. On the desolate road we suffered from severe cold weather, which some Arabs said they have not seen before. From when we left Aleppo until we reached ‘Ana, there was not even a drop of rain. But when we approached al-Tiba, snow fell early for almost half an hour. We continued our journey for days, with no highway to follow. We entered a valley called al-Ratqa and went through it for three days. As we exited the valley on Sunday January 28, it was a rather dark day, because of the fear which gripped us three times. The first time was early in the morning, the second at noontime, and the third in the evening. Our calamity was great and even mingled with death. Our first fear, in the morning, arose because leaders of the caravan wanted to camp at a water-well called al-Mani’i. In early evening they decided to send two men to observe the place and find out whether its people were Arabs or otherwise. When the two men departed and approached the site, they saw smoke coming out of it and turned back. As they were returning, the caravan’s leaders saw them far off and thought they were enemies. But the cavalry men in the caravan recognized them. So we had peace and continued the journey. The reason of the second scare was the following. After moving on until noontime, the leaders of the caravan said that Arabs (Bedouins) had already descended upon the water well and they could not get to it. What should we do? The caravan’s men said that the River Euphrates was nearby and we should camp at its bank. The river was about three days’ distance. So, by God’s guidance, we moved on. We had marched for hardly an hour when we met about twenty men who told us that they had been intercepted by Arabs. We wondered what to expect. Immediately, the cavalrymen and the gunmen of the caravan rushed to the vanguard and found out that the men were small in number. They asked, “Who are you?” and they said, “We are of the Dulaym Arabs.” “And what are you doing here?” they were further asked. They said, “We are shepherds tending the sheep of the Dulaym.” Suddenly, we were surprised by Arabs of the ‘Anaza tribe, who stole the sheep and drove us along with them. As we reached their residence, they took whatever we had and departed.” Ironically, they went on lamenting our condition, saying, “Allah has been gracious to you because we have come upon you. Listen to us and do not continue on this road. Come with us to our people, the Dulaym Arabs, and camp at the bank of the river (Euphrates). We shall prepare for you roasted sheep, yogurt, and butter. Spend the night in rest and leave in the early morning.” The hapless men of our caravan -- by the way, our caravan was small -- who wanted to spend a sociable night, went along with them, while we moved on, saying, “God has rescued us from the third cause of our fear.” When we got close to the residence of their people (the Dulaym Arabs) the caravan’s leaders said, “Let us camp here.” They camped at a depression surrounded by low mounds. One of the men whom we had met on the road hurried to tell the Dulaym Arabs that a small caravan had come from Aleppo with only a few armed men, and this was an opportune time to capture it. Hardly half an hour passed since we camped, when we were ferociously attacked by almost two hundred horsemen and a great number of footmen. When the caravan’s leaders saw they were being attacked, they raised their muskets and told the attacking horsemen to retreat or they would fire at them. When they did not retreat, the caravan’s men fired, killing a horse of the Dulaym Arabs. The horsemen fled, but the footmen set up barricades to shelter us because we were positioned on low ground. They too had muskets with them. When the caravan’s men saw that the footmen of the Dulaym Arabs had set up barricades, they too set up barricades from the cargo they had. Both sides began to fire. We sought protection, hiding behind the goods, and began to pray to God, weeping and crying, “O God, save us!” It seems that God’s mercy watched over us. The shots passed over our heads like a rain shower for almost four hours until sunset [We have said earlier that the men of the caravan and the Arabs (of the Dulaym) fired for about fifteen hours. Actually, the shooting lasted four to five hours.], and behold! a group of horsemen approached us asking for peace. During the skirmish two armed men of our caravan fell dead. They were Muhammad Hitawi (of Hit) and Hajj Muhammad Basrawi (of Basra). They were the men of Arutin Jarfali of Aleppo. A camel and few horses were also lost, and a man was hit in the shoulder but recovered. The Dulaym lost one man and a few horses. When the men came asking for peace, the firing stopped and we heaved a sigh of relief, but they went on to say, “Because you have killed one of our men and a few horses, you should pay us blood money. If you refuse, then prepare to fight.” The caravan’s leaders tried to come to terms with them. Only God knows how much we suffered that night. It was so cold that we could not pitch our tents or sleep until morning. Let us return to our subject. In our company was an ‘Anaza companion named Ibrahim who had advised the men of the caravan not to stay with the Dulaym Arabs, but they did not listen to him. When he saw what had happened, he said to the caravan’s leaders, “Whatever happened has happened. Give me a horse to ride, and I will go to my cousin Fadil, the amir of the ‘Anaza Arabs, and bring him to you to rescue you from these marauders.” The caravan leaders provided him with a horse, which he mounted and left. His cousin was far away from our camp, about one and a half days’ journey. Ibrahim reached his cousin in the middle of the night and brought him back to us at sunrise. When the Dulaym Arabs saw him, they began to flee into crevices in the ground. The ‘Anaza Arabs fell upon the Arabs of the Dulaym and beat them. At the same time, the men of our caravan captured two men of the Dulaym Arabs, tied them up, and demanded that they hand back whatever they looted. Evidently, they have stolen at night merchandise worth a thousand piasters. Meanwhile, the accursed Wandal, shaykh of the Shammar Arabs, who was staying with the Arabs of Dulaym and had instigated them against us, came and implored Fadil of ‘Anaza to release the two men. The caravan leaders yielded and released them. Even if they had not released them, however, they would have given back everything their people had taken at night. Presently, Fadil asked us to load our beasts; we did so and moved on. Twenty horsemen of the ‘Anaza Arabs accompanied us until we came to a house, where we spent the night. Early in the morning of Monday, January 29, we were again on our way. Before we set out, however, Fadil of ‘Anaza demanded from us ten Venetian gold coins for each of our loads. The men of the caravan counted sixty loads and bargained to pay him only nine gold coins for each load. They guaranteed the amount they promised. As a security they gave him two loads of broadcloth and a load of paper, together with the camels that were carrying them. They were to get the loads back upon payment of the total amount. [ We have said above in describing the journey of the maphryono that the captain of the robbers received from the men of the caravan 9000 gold coins. Later, however, we discovered that this number was an error by the copyists or the translators of the Syriac or the English text, who added a zero, so that 900 became 9000.] This Fadil was the one who looted the ‘Afrawi’s caravan. Be that as it may, Fadil departed, and the Arabs of Shammar accompanied us to ‘Ana. [Yaqut, 6: p. 101, said that according to Kulaibi, the villages of ‘Anat were called so after the names of three brothers of the people of ‘Aad who had fled and taken up residence in these isles. But the Arabs called them ‘Aanat, meanng a herd of deer. ‘Ana is a famous town situated between al-Raqqa and Hit in the province of the Jazira. It overlooks the River Euphrates near the Nura garden. It has a formidable fortress. Qa’im bi Amr Allah was taken to it when the Basasiri intended to kill him, but his murder was prevented by Maharish. Tughrul Beg then came and killed the Basasiri and restored the caliph to Baghdad. The caliph was absent from Baghdad for one year. Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Hamadhani said that Hit and ‘Aanat belonged to the province of Anbar. When Anusherwan reigned, he learned that bands of Arabs had been raiding the region close to the Sawad (in southern Iraq) up to the Badiya (desert). He ordered the rebuilding of the walls of a town called Alus, which Sapur Dhu al-Aktaf (‘he of the shoulders’) had built and fortified with armament to protect the region.] Surely, if God had not sent us Fadil of ‘Aanaza, the Dulaym Arabs would have robbed us and taken our clothes and belongings. They would even have killed us because of the blood which was shed on both sides. Even if they had not slaughtered us, the least they could have done was to leave us naked to die from cold. Only God knows what would have happened to us. Thank God for our safety. We entered ‘Ana at sunset on Thursday, February 1, the twenty-sixth day since we had left Aleppo. We lodged at the house of a Muslim for two days. ‘Ana is situated on the bank of the River Euphrates and stretches for three hours’ journey. After two days we left and lodged at the house of a Jew in the eastern part of ‘Ana, which we rented for four shahis [ one shahi was equivalent almost to half a golden lira ] a day. Prices were high in ‘Ana, and two piasters a day was not enough for our keep. We observed the Fast of Nineveh and then prepared to fast for Lent, which followed a little more than two weeks later. [The Fast of Nineveh occurs on February 5, and Lent begins on the 26th of the same month.] At ‘Ana, we received a report that Ta’aan, the shaykh of the Arabs of Shadid, had attacked the Dulaym Arabs and killed fourteen of them. He robbed them and took others captive. He left them nothing. How true in this case is the proverb, “The iniquitous will be afflicted by one more iniquitous than himself.” Conflict arose between the people of ‘Ana and the Arabs of Shammar, who robbed some of them and captured 130 donkeys and a few cows, but killed only one man. Those who fled were safe. At ‘Ana we were also shaken with fear of the Arabs. After we had waited forty days at ‘Ana, the pasha’s deputy came and advised us to journey to Baghdad. But we (the maphryono and his companions) did not want to go to Baghdad. So the caravan departed and we remained in the town. Our delay was because the water level of the Euphrates was low. Between ‘Ana and Hit, water wheels with locks stretched over both banks of the river. If the river did not flood, riverboats were unable to navigate. The travelers in the caravan were forced to leave, however, and we remained behind for fifteen days. All told, we stayed in ‘Ana for fifty-seven days. On Thursday, March 29, we embarked on a riverboat whose captain was called ‘Abd Allah. We arrived at a village called Hubbayn where we anchored for three hours. We moved on to another village called al-Zawiya on the Euphrates bank, where we spent the night. On Friday March 30, we moved to a populated isle in the middle of the river called al-Haditha, and on Saturday, March 31, we passed by a populated isle called Alus [Hubbayn, today called Habbin, is on the eastern bank of the Euphrates. Yaqut did not mention it, nor did he mention al-Zawiya, which probably is known today as Zabda. Yaqut, 3: 235, says that al-Haditha, now known as Hadithat al-Nura, is a few miles from Anbar. It has a strong citadel in the middle of the Euphrates surrounded by water. It was built by Abu Midlaj al-Tamimi in the time of the governor of Kufa, ‘Uthman ibn Yasir, during the reign of the Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (634-644). Alus is a town situated on the Euphrates bank near ‘Aana and al-Haditha. Yaqut, 1: 326.] Near this isle was a tributary of the Euphrates called Haqlan, as big as the Aleppo River and full of fish. The people of the area told us that fish navigate from the salty sea near Basra through al-Bira to this place. They also told us that some people of Basra caught a big fish and, having wrapped it in the middle, released it in the Euphrates. They came to this place (Haqlan) to see whether someone had caught it. We spent Sunday night at an isle called Jubba [Yaqut, 3:42, says Jubba is a village near Hit. From it came Abu Abd Allah ibn Jamil, who composed excellent poetry and served at Diwaniyya in different capacities. He died in 616 A. H./1218 A. D.], situated in the middle of the Euphrates. It was hemmed in with palm trees. On Sunday, April 1, we moved on to Hit, where we spent the night. The next day, we left Hit and spent Tuesday on the bank of the Euphrates opposite a ruined place called Mushayhid. We departed on Tuesday and spent the night at a place called al-Miqdam (today called Khan Miqdam), where the boats usually leave for Baghdad. Miqdam is one day distant from Baghdad. As we left on Wednesday April 4, an easterly wind blew up, and we began to tie down the boat as we moved from one island toward another. The islands were not populated, and boats could not navigate agianst the eastern wind. So we spent the night at the isle in the middle of the river. On Thursday March 5, we reached a village called Musayyab (on the Euphrates bank). Two hours later came a boat loaded with salt, but the sailors could not moor it to the bank because the water level was too high. At this village there was a bridge stretching on floating boats like the bridge of Baghdad. When the ship reached the bridge, it collided with it, broke up, and sank. When we saw what had happened, our hearts trembled with fear (like that of a pigeon). At this village, those in charge collected a month’s surety of one purse (500 piasters) from boats and from ingoing and outgoing caravans. We spent that night at Musayyab. On a Friday in Lent, April 6, we left and touched upon a village called Nasiriyya (today a large city) and went from there to Hilla about noontime. [ This is the Hilla of the Banu Mazyad, built by Sayf al-Dawla Sadaqa ibn Mansur ibn Mazyad al-Asadi. It is situated west of the Euphrates, to which Sadaqa had moved in the month of Muharram, 495 A. H./1101 A. D. It was a thicket where lions sought shelter. Sadaqa arrived in it with his family and soldiers and erected magnificent houses and buildings, which his own men imitated. Thus, Hilla became the greatest of Iraq’s towns. It is situated between Kufa and Baghdad.] At Hilla we met Deacon Zachariah [ we said earlier that the deacons Hidayat Allah and Musa went to Baghdad ahead of the maphryono. More correctly, it should be said in this context that the two deacons were attendants of the maphryono and traveled with him], the attendant of Metropolitan Yuhanna (Gregorius Yuhanna of Khudayda, or Qaraqosh ], whom the metropolitan had dispatched to take us to Baghdad because the road from Hilla to Basra was controlled by the Muntafik Arabs and no one could travel by it. On the day of our arrival in Hilla, however, some boats departed and then returned. So we stayed in the caravansary of Hajj Yusuf, where Deacon ‘Ata Allah, the brother of the Chorepiscopus ‘Abd al-‘Azim of Diyarbakr, was also staying. [ We have not found this chorepiscopus listed among the chorepiscopi or priests of Diyarbakr, who then numbered twelve.] On Palm Sunday, April 8, our father the maphryono said the Mass in the room. The ceremony was attended by Chaldeans and Armenians and some of our own people who were in Hilla. I, the poor one, recognized some of the people who belonged to these three denominations and offered them the mysteries (Holy Communion). On Monday of Passion Week, we left Hilla on donkeys’ backs. In the evening we rested at Khan al-Mahawil. On Tuesday we departed for a khan called Bi’r al-Nuss, and then to another khan called Azad, where we spent the night. On Wednesday morning we left and arrived in Baghdad at high noon. We met Rabban Hanna, the deacon Yaqub of Edessa, attendant of Sulayman Pasha [He is Sulayman Pasha of Tiflis, who became governor of Baghdad in 1749 after being a servant to its Wali (governor) Ahmad Pasha since 1736. He was elected to the office of deputy of the pasha. Peace prevailed under his rule, which ended in 1761.], who came to meet us. They received us with utmost honor and went to inform Metropolitan Yuhanna of our arrival. We met the metropolitan at the entrance to the bridge, and accompanied him and those who received us to a house which they had rented and furnished two or three days earlier. We changed our clothes and rested at the house that night. On Thursday morning, I, the poor, celebrated the Mass in the house of Khawaja Yusuf Tarzi Bashi (Chief Tailor). Yusuf was a Greek (Byzantine or Rum Orthodox) but very affectionate. May God protect him and protect every loving person. He is the brother-in-law of Ni’mat Allah, son of Shukri Chalabi Shatma, who had married a native woman of Baghdad On the Saturday of Light [ The Saturday following Good Friday, so called because it is believed that divine light springs out of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem Tr.], Metropolitan Yuhanna celebrated the Mass, and on Easter Day, April 15, our father the maphryono said the Mass at the Armenian Church. We were received with utmost hospitality and honor.. The Vartabet (priest) of the Armenian Church, Vartanis, was a loving man. After the service we took breakfast with him. On Easter Day, we were visited by some people from our denomination (Syrians) and by Armenians who offered their felicitation on the Easter Feast. But Padre Emmanuel did not come to see us. [He is Emmanuel Payeh (sic), the Carmelite who was sent to Baghdad in 1728, became a bishop in 1742, and left Baghdad in 1752.] As to deacon Yaqub of Edessa, attendant to Sulayman Pasha (may God bless him), he was ready to provide us with anything we needed. On New Sunday, I, the poor, celebrated the Mass at the home of Khawaja Yusuf Tarzi Bashi, and in the evening of the festival of Mar Jirjis (St. George) heavy rain fell in Baghdad for two hours. This following second tract was written by Maphryono Shukr Allah, may God have mercy on him. An account of the events which happened from October, 2063 of the Greeks to October, 2064 of the Greeks/1751-1752 A.D. After Metropolitan Yuhanna departed on the company’s ship, we first calculated the debt he had incurred as follows: two thousand rupees owed the company spent by deacon Anton. We also paid eighty-seven rupees, the difference between the said amount and that owed to the money changer in Basra. We found that the metropolitan owed 150 rupees to the company for the cost of the provisions needed on the journey and food which he used at the citadel; 400 rupees to Musa the Jew; 160 rupees to Elikeh, son of Ezekiel, and 100 rupees to David the Jew. The whole amount of the debt incurred by the metropolitan totaled 2897 rupees. This debt was on our back (demanded from us) because we had to assure the creditors of paying it in full. As to the total number of the objects he (the metropolitan) had under his control, they were recorded by the company after his departure in a ledger which I sent to him. They included chairs, furnishings, a staff, and a church vestment worth 300 rupees. Only the amount of 2597 rupees was left for us to pay. On October 15, we accompanied our group from Kandanad to Kothamangalam to meet with Tuma, in order to reach an agreement with him. We entered the town and sent ten men to ask him to come to us with love, but he excused himself, saying that he was afraid of the governors. We sent the men once more and assured him of the governors’ guarantee of safety. He said that he would come eight days later. These days passed, and he did not show up. We sent the men for the third time, and he said that he would come on the second day of December. When the day drew near, the faithful brought him to us with great honor. We even ordered the church bell rung, thinking that he would come to meet us at the Church of the Virgin, where we were staying. But he did not come to this church and went to lodge at a small church where Maphryono Yalda was buried. Two hours later, we dispatched Rabban Hanna, accompanied by the deacons, who greeted him and told him to meet with the maphryono. He said that he was tired and could not come. Three days later we sent to him his own priests, one of whom, Yusuf, was wicked and malicious, and the priest Peter with other priests and laymen. Priest Yusuf remonstrated with us in an affectionate manner, but we said to him, “Mar Ignatius (the Patriarch of Antioch) has already sent letters to Tuma. Is it appropriate that he declined to meet with us or show us his face although we dispatched several men to plead with him? Yusuf answered, “The metropolitan who has departed left us no trust or faith. Now, Tuma sent us asking to see the systaticon ( document of election) which you have in your possession, in order that we may know whether you are truly Syrian fathers or not.” Priest Butrus (Peter) said, “I am a believer and have sinned against heaven and against you. We request you, however, to read the systaticon.” I said to them, “Let us go down to the church, and there you can read the systaticon because many people want to hear it.” The systaticon was read at the church, and an interpreter translated it into their language. We imparted to them spiritual words and said that from now on there should be no communication conducive to discord. They departed in peace and informed Tuma of our conversation. On the next day Tuma went down to the church and gathered the congregation. He began to talk willfully against us, saying that he would never comply with anything we said. The people, who feared him, could not answer back because for twenty-four years, he had been their head, supported by the government’s power. On the next day the priests came back and said to us, “Tuma asks why you place a piece of metal at the end of your pastoral staff; why, when you celebrate weddings, you have the bride stand to the right of the bridegroom; why you hand the best man (Ishbin) a sword [We know nothing about this custom, which is not in our tradition. Perhaps it was used in those days by some people.]; why you draw a curtain at the altar; [Drawing the veil or curtain of the altar is a custom still used in the churches of Mardin, Mosul and Amid]; and why you say in the Nicene Creed, ‘He rose on the third day as he willed’ (instead of ‘according to the Scriptures’). The Fathers never taught us these six customs.” [ In the original text these traditions numbered five, not six.] We said to them, “The fathers who came to you were like a physician who calls on the wounded patient. First he treats the wound to prevent more serious illness. When the deadly wound is cured, then he goes on to treat the scratches. When the fathers saw that you had lost the way, they treated you as they could and strongly eliminated some of your bad customs. They had your priests grow long beards, handed them the faith, and taught them the seasons of fasting and times of prayers, as much as they could. Now Tuma is our spiritual son. Let him come to us, and we will reach a concord with him concerning these customs. Our main purpose is to treat the more sinister wounds and overlook what does not lead to death.” The priest returned to Tuma and told him what we had said, but he was not convinced. He said, “I want the maphryono to write to me whether these customs are those of the Syrians. I will keep his written answer for thirty days, and then I will come to see him and make peace with him.” The priests argued, saying that the maphryono has explained to us all these things and confirmed them. He also said if Tuma would come to see him, he would agree with him on all these matters. Tuma was still not convinced. He sent to us some of the faithful, asking us to put down in writing whether these customs were those of the Syrians. We provided him with a copy of these customs and their explanation. We said, “Come to us and try to reach an agreement with us, and everything will be done in love according to your own liking.” He did not answer. We waited patiently until the thirty days passed, during which the people shuttled between us and him, imploring him to meet with us. At times, he said he would come to meet with us at night; at other times, however, he said he would come after a period of time. We gathered the congregation and said to them, “We have been staying here a long time while Tuma refused to show up. Let us go to other churches to see which of them has accepted us, in order to teach them the faith. Again, the people went to Tuma and insisted that he see the maphryono. He said he would come to meet with the fathers on February 15. The people asked us to remain until that day. We did. On February 15 the people congregated at a church which belonged to Tuma. On February 16, they presented themselves to us, saying that Tuma wanted us to go to St. Thomas Church, where he would be present. He will not kiss your hand, they added, until he has discussed everything with you and submitted to you. We said that it was almost evening, and he wanted to show up and engage us in a long discussion. What harmony could be reached at night? They answered that no harmony could be reached at night. We said to them, “Let him write down just three words indicating that he is coming to meet with us and reach an agreement with us. Hasten to the church, and we will join you.” They left to discuss the matter. They returned at four o’clock at night, saying, “He (Tuma) will not write down anything. We suggest that you too should come to the church.” We said to them, “It is night, and we cannot go to the church in the dark. Wait here until the morning.” They left. When Tuma heard that we had told the people to wait until the morning, before dawn he ordered the congregation of the two churches who supported him to leave. We got up in the morning and went to the Church of St. Thomas to conduct the morning service, thinking that he would be present. But he did not show up. We returned to the Church of the Virgin, where we had lodged first, and told the congregation that we were leaving. They said we should inform the king (the Raja) and the Dutch Commodore of our departure. We complied. The commodore was newly appointed and had no knowledge of matters between the maphryono and Tuma. But the people informed him of them. The commodore addressed a letter to us and to Tuma. The raja also wrote to us. He and the commodore said that they wanted definitely to see us make peace. We delivered the letters to Tuma and waited three days for an answer, but received none. We called the elders and spoke to them with great affection. We implored them to ask Tuma to make peace with us, as we had been commanded by the rulers. Tuma answered, “I have already sent letters to the raja and am waiting for a reply.” We waited three more days but he did not respond. We sent him priests, to whom he said, “I cannot make peace right now but may do that later.” We wrote once more to the king and the commodore, who became furious with Tuma. But Tuma immediately approached them and won their consent. He wrote to them, “There is no conflict between me and the maphryono. In fact, I have not heard one single bad word from him. But I want to draw near Cochin to effect peace.” The raja and the commodore sent a message asking us to come to Kandanad, and said they would also summon Tuma to find where he stood. We went to Kandanad on Friday of Palm Week After we left, however, Tuma went on Palm Sunday to the great church where we were staying, pulled out the step of the altar, and tore up its veil. Indeed, during our stay at that church we exerted great effort in talking with the priests until they became convinced to put on the vestments Metropolitan ‘Abd al-Jalil and Maphrian Yalda had brought with them. After we left, Tuma called the priests and rebuked them for obeying us. Some of them succumbed to him, while others remained resolute. The congregation, however, did not appreciate what Tuma had done, and no one prayed with him. When he left the church, the priests restored the step of the altar to its former place, fixed the altar’s veil, and informed us of their action. We wrote advising them that none of them should provoke trouble, because Tuma was seeking a conflict and we had not come to their land to engage in conflict [ Tuma, the false leader, was not satisfied with adhering to falsehood, maliciousness, calumny and impudence; apart from his violation of religion and church laws, he even went a step further, arguing with the meek and patient maphryono about some church customs and traditions, most of which were trivial and unworthy of discussion. But it was evidence of his bad intentions and malice.] On Maunday Thursday, we ordained priests and a deacon, and on the next day of Easter we ordained Rabban Hanna a bishop (April 30, 1752). On Thursday, we went to meet with the new commodore. He said, “I have a letter indicating that these people (the Syrians of Malabar) always antagonized the fathers who came from Antioch.” We (the maphryono) said to him, “We have no intention of picking a fight with anyone. You are the governor who should judge justly. Tuma is the one who wrote (to the patriarch) and brought me (to Malabar) in order to confirm him as a metropolitan. Now he says that he is head of the church and needs no confirmation.” The commodore said, “Be of good cheer, every- thing will be according to your wish.” We went to see the king (raja), who said, “Be of good cheer.” So, we returned to Kandanad and left Metropolitan Yuhanna behind in Cochin because he had fallen ill. He received treatment for fifteen days and recovered, and we brought him to Kandanad. Meanwhile, we traveled to Mattancherry to collect church dues in order to pay our debt. While we were there, the maharaja sent us a message, saying, “I want you to go to Pallikarri and remain there to take care of its people, or send a bishop instead of you. We said, “We cannot leave now.” But we sent Bishop Yuhanna to that town. After all, the people of Pallikarri were of weak faith, and Tuma had his center established in it. He always instigated them against Yuhanna and made trouble for him. Indeed, Bishop Yuhanna wanted to leave their town, but we wrote him to treat the people with love until we learned what the result would be. Furthermore, the king ordered us to send a bishop to them.” We remained in Mattancherry for a month but could collect only a small amount of money because their church had suffered heavy debt, because Metropolitan Iyawannis of Amid had stayed with them and they were burdened with his expenses. Since then, the rulers had overwhelmed them, they claimed. Realizing that they were of no use to us, we went to a church called Pakoorr (sic), named after St. Thomas. It was in ruins, and its parishioners were poor. We spent two days there and then left for Paruni, which was divided between the Syrians and the Franks (Latins). The governor of this town was not the raja of Cochin. Our Syrian parishioners came to us, saying, “We are afraid of Tuma and the Franks. Write to the governor that you are staying in the town with his knowledge. We wrote to the governor that we wanted to stay in his land for a few days. He wrote back, “Welcome, you may stay.” He also wrote to a lesser governor in that region under his control to visit us and take us to the church at Mallikullam, which was under his domain. This church, too, was divided between the Syrians and the Franks. We stayed fifteen days in Paruni. The congregation of this town love only by their lips, but were scared of Tuma, who might do them harm. On the fifteenth day the Syrians of Mallkullam came, by order of the governor, and took us to their town. But a wicked Frankish priest instigated some Franks against us. Others, however, were not pleased with him. This priest said, “Either I get killed or I kill the maphryono and destroy the church building.” When we arrived in the town, his followers stood at the entrance of the church, swearing by the head of the king (the maharaja), and begging our people not to enter the church. Our people said to them, “We have come by order of the king (raja).” They pushed them aside and entered the church. As they got inside, the Latin priest and his group took hold of the Bema [ Bema is the part of the church containing the altar where the Bishop’s Throne is placed. Tr.] and said, “We will never let the maphryono ascend the Bema.” When we saw this, we told the lesser governor who had come with us, “We will not fight anyone. If you do not want us to abide by the governor’s (raja) orders, however, we will retreat.” The lesser governor said, “I have an order to bring you here. Now, neither you nor they should get to the Bema until I have discussed the matter with the governor.” So we remained at the church, with fifty men guarding us day and night. That wicked Latin priest was a drunkard, notorious for his objectionable deeds. His supporters shuttled back and forth to see the governor, bringing along false reports which reveal the corruption of the government. What kind of a government would these men, who had no fear of God, have? There were four or five governors in the village, each of whom was under the authority of a higher governor. But none of them took heed of the others. Finally, we stayed there for fifteen days under guard while the governor prevaricated, hoping to receive bribes from both sides. When we realized that there was no use, because Tuma kept writing to the governor and to the congregation not to receive us or allow the priest to follow the traditions of our church, we left for Kandanat. We sent a message to the commodore informing him of the situation. He replied, “I have sent a letter to the king (raja) of the south, and when I receive an answer I will let you know of its contents.” We kept waiting, but the commodore’s reply was delayed. Meanwhile, he asked us to go to Parur, where Metropolitan Mar Gregorius ‘Abd al-Jalil had died. Their king asked us to visit him, but for only two days. After much pleading, he agreed that we could stay for ten days. But the congregation disagreed, saying, “Let him (the maphryono) stay as long as he wishes.” Their king, however, was not pleased because the Franks scared him and said, “If the maphryono comes here, you will not be able to govern. Moreover, he is demanding the money of Mar Gregorius. [Mar Gregorius ‘Abd al-Jalil of Mosul, metropolitan of Jerusalem, was dispatched to Malabar in 1665 and administered the church there with great apostolic zeal. He passed away in 1671.] So we went to stay at Mulanthuruthi, where Bishop Hidaya had died. The parishioners of this town were poor and had squandered the bishop’s money because of enmity with each other. We could hardly receive a thing from them except food. (Here the maphryono mentions the reports of the native elders of Mulanthuruthi about the conversion of the people of Malabar to Christianity and their procrastination until the arrival of Metropolitan Abd al-Jalil, Maphryono Yalda and Bishop Hidaya in Malabar. [Both Maphryono Basilius Yalda and Bishop Iyawannid Hidayat Allah were from Ba Khudayda (Qaraqosh), near Mosul. They were among the best of our church fathers of their time. Basilius Yalda died in 1685 and Hidaya in 1693. They left a good memory in Malabar. ]The maphryono ordained for them a bishop and a chorepiscopus named Tuma, who came from a family that had held clerical positions by heredity for a long time. But since the veracity of the accounts of the native elders cannot stand up under criticism, we overlooked their publication and satisfied ourselves with reporting the events that are connected with the biography of the rebellious (and unlawful bishop) Tuma as follows: Twelve years before Tuma’s death, a Nestorian bishop called Gabriel arrived in Malabar [ Gabriel was a Nestorian bishop of Azerbayjan. Some say he was of Persian origin. Others say he was from Nineveh (Mosul). He went to Malabar in 1709.] and began to quarrel intensely with Tuma, telling him, “You should kiss my hand because you are not a bishop.” The priests agreed with him and kept reminding Tuma that he was not a lawful bishop. After much conflict the two separated, and Gabriel went to stay in the southern part (of Malabar), while Tuma remained at Kandanad. Meanwhile, Tuma ordained a priest and, as it happened, became gravely ill in Mulanthuruthi. The congregations of thirteen churches met and moved him to Kandanad. They deliberated the situation and discovered that Gabriel was a Nestorian who had altered some church customs. They also discovered that he was trying cunningly to plant among them the seeds of the Nestorian faith. For this reason they decided to install a new leader. They had the monk Tuma, nephew of the unlawful Bishop Tuma, whom Gabriel had vested with the monastic habit. He seemed to have been behaving properly. When they met to select a leader, some of them chose the monk Tuma, while others chose Tuma (the unlawful and rebellious bishop), who was suffering from severe illness. They said to Tuma, “Arise. Let us convey you to the church. Your nephew, the monk Tuma, will celebrate the Mass, and you will lay your hands on him.” He said to them, “That is not right. Then the people will say that a monk has ordained him (a bishop).” [This response shows that the rebellious Tuma did not consider himself a lawful bishop..Tr.] As he uttered these words he fell into a coma. When he regained consciousness, the priests brought him the book (office of ordination). He sat upright in the chair while the monk was reading (the service of ordination) to him. But Tuma lapsed into a coma again. Instantly, one of the priests placed the miter on the head of monk Tuma [ To show that his uncle, the rebellious and unlawful Bishop Tuma, had ordained him a bishop. Tr.] Two hours later he breathed his last. Meanwhile, their learned priests arrived, one of whom was named Abraham. The monk Tuma said to them, “I want to write letters to the churches (about his ordination), but how should I sign?” They said, “Sign your name as the Chorepiscopus.” But since they had no idea what a Chorepiscopus is, they began to argue with one another. Many of them refused to kiss his hand [ To show respect for the position of bishop. Tr.]. So he appealed to the king (raja), who brought soldiers who forced them to kiss his hand. Meanwhile, the Nestorian Gabriel sent a message to monk Tuma to come to him in order to be ordained (a lawful bishop), but he refused. Some time later, Gabriel fell sick. When the monk Tuma heard that he was sick, he went to see him. While Tuma was on his way, Gabriel died at Kottayam. At his side was the priest Matta, the teacher. Now that Gabriel was dead, Matta became afraid of Tuma. He forged a letter, presumably written by Gabriel, stating that he had bestowed the office of the episcopate on monk Tuma, and placed it in Gabriel’s hand. He handed it to the monk Tuma, saying that he had found it in Gabriel’s hand. Tuma said that he needed no confirmation (as a bishop), declaring, “I have been confirmed by two bishops who have passed away.” [Here ends the story of the elders of Mullantory.] In May, 1752, Tuma had the audacity to ordain his sister’s grandson a deacon to succeed him. Along with him he ordained two more deacons. One of them, named Tuma, from the southern region, had already been ordained by Metropolitan Iyawannis Yuhanna. Apparently, the first one offered (Tuma) a bribe and schemed with him to ordain him a deacon; the other gave him fifty rupees as a bribe. But the majority of the people did not accept this action (of simony, i.e., selling church offices for money). On July 1 the king sent two heathen men to warn Tuma to quit making trouble. But he bribed them and promised that on the 25th he would make peace (with the maphryono). When they delivered his answer to us, we said that we would gratefully accept whatever the king ordered. We wish to say how crooked the government in this country was. We have been told that there were numerous kings (rulers) in Malabar. In only one province, lying a distance of three days to the east, there were seventeen kings and governors. If this was their condition, then what kind of government would theirs be? As for the officials of the (Dutch) Company, they were not the rulers of the country and had no authority except over the citadel. But they had a prestigious position with the kings, some of whom feared them while others disregard them. The date on which Tuma promised to meet with us passed and he did not appear. So on August 3, the date of the commemoration of Bishop Hidaya at Mulanthuruthi, we sent a message to Metropolitan Yuhanna and Bishop Yuhanna to come to us. We vested the priest Gurgis with the monastic habit. This priest was a native of Mulanthuruthi and of noble descent. Like us, he had learned how to say the prayers of the religious duties (that is, the prayers chanted antiphonally by two church choirs of priests and deacons.) We found him to be qualified for the priesthood. We had hopes that, by the intercession of the Virgin, he would continue to be of virtuous conduct. May the Lord bring forth good fruit from him! We returned to Kandanad and sent for the Syrians of Parur, where Metropolitan ‘Abd al-Jalil had died. We asked them to hand over the metropolitan’s money. They gave us some of it and said that the rest had been squandered. We asked them to hand us what was available and they said that they would do so when I (the maphryono) visited them. We wanted to pay them a visit, but the Franks (Latin clerics) instigated the king, who refused to let us go. He sent us a message saying that he would leave information for me when I decided to pay the people of Parur a visit. With this, we forgot about this matter for the time being and waited for the Lord’s disposal. On September 20, the commemoration of Maphryono Yalda, we dispatched the metropolitan to Kothamangalam to celebrate the commemoration of the maphryono because he was his relative (it should be added to the biography of Metropolitan Gregorius Yuhanna that he belonged to the family of Maphryono Yalda of the East) and should stay with them for a while. On September 27 the Deputy Commodore of Cochin, passed away. Meanwhile, we sent Bishop Yuhanna to Cochin for treatment because he had becme sick from staying too long in Pallikari. As for Deacon Anton, he made an agreement with some acquaintances who had provided him with merchandise (perfumes worth five hundred rupees) to take it to Basra and then return to Malabar. He collected a sum of rupees and left for Basra with the intention of bringing his family back to India. On October 15, of the year 2064 of the Greeks/1752 A. D., I, the poor, left Kandanad and went to the south. The next day I arrived in Kottayam, which the deceased Nestorian Gabriel had made a center of his activity. The congregation received us with alacrity, but their priests were like crafty foxes. May God help us against them. We left the bishop behind in Kandanad in our stead and left the metropolitan in Kothamangalam. Kottayam is the first city in the southern province, where we have fourteen churches. Some of the parishioners came to see us, but others did not. Most of its people are rough and extremely tight-fisted. We asked God to direct us through this impasse, saying, “We have nothing to offer you except our supplication. Stay in peace.” [I have in my possession a letter dated August 27, 2063 of the Greeks/1752 A.D., from Patriarch Jirjis III addressed to Maphryono Shukr Allah and Metropolitan Yuhanna in Cochin, in answer to the maphryono’s letter to the patriarch, dated December 16, 1751. It was originally written in Garshuni (Arabic in Syriac script), but was copied in Arabic script by the late Patriarch Aphram I Barsoum, most likely in 1909 when he was a monk at the Za’faran Monastery. The letter is part of a scrapbook containing miscellaneous items concerning the Syrian Church compiled by Barsoum. In his letter, the Patriarch Jirjis III says that he received a letter from deacon Ni’mat Allah Shidyaq informing him of the sickness of the Chorepiscopus Jirjis and his recovery at Basra. He goes on to encourage the maphryono and his companions to be patient in face of the oppression and antagonism of the wicked Tuma.] Patriarch Ignatius Jirjis IV of Antioch (1768-1781) Patriarch Jurjis IV ascended the Apostolic Throne at the Za’faran Monastery on Sunday, August 17, 1768. He passed away on July 21, 1781, having served his office for twelve years, eleven months and four days. He was seventy-two years old. After his death, the Apostolic See remained vacant for six and a half months. Jirjis was the son of deacon Musa, of the family of the priest ‘Abd al-Jalil. He was born in Mosul in 1709 and raised in a virtuous and spiritual environment. He acquired a knowledge of Syriac and religious principles. At an early age, he shunned the world and traveled to the Za’faran Monastery in 1729, to train in monastic life and church rules. He assumed the monastic habit and was ordained a deacon and then a priest. When Patriarch Shukr Allah observed his qualities, he ordained him a metropolitan for the diocese of Hattack in the middle of December, 1737, calling him Cyril Gurgis (Jirjis) at his ordination. Patriarch Jirjis III appointed him superior of the Za’faran Monastery and the diocese of Mardin in 1747. He ordained him a Maphryono of the East to succeed Li’azar IV, and called him Basilius Gurgis (Jirjis) at his ordination, at the beginning of March, 1760 (see above). On November 7, 1762, Maphryono Basilius journeyed to Mosul to visit the dioceses of the East. He ordained Metropolitan Behnam for the Monastery of Mar Behnam on February 9, 1763, and returned to Mardin in September. In December the patriarch entrusted him with the management of the Za’faran Monastery, and Maphryono Basilius left Bishop Rizq Allah as his deputy in Mosul. When the patriarchal throne became vacant with the death of Patriarch Jirjis III on July 7, 1768, the congregations of Amid and Mardin nominated Basilius to be his successor. The congregation of Amid informed the Vizier Husayn Pasha, Wali (governor) of Amd, of his nomination. The pasha sent one of his men to Basilius with the decree of investiture. Basilius accompanied the pasha’s messenger to Diyarbakr, arriving in the city on July 11. He presented himself to the pasha, who granted him awards. He paid the pasha five purses, the required fee (for his investiture), from his own money. Four years earlier, however, his predecessor had borrowed six purses and three hundred piasters from Hajj Ahmad Agha Chem Oghli of Amid and pawned the vessels of the church of Amid, which were deposited in two cases. Maphryono Basilius and the notables contacted the creditor, Hajj Ahmad Agha, and transferred the debt (which amounted to 6500 piasters plus interest) to his name. Maphryono Basilius summoned the metropolitans to a synod at the Za’faran Monastery. Those who responded were Gregorius Jirjis, metropolitan of Jerusalem, who presided over the synod; Dioscorus Shukr Allah, metropolitan of the Jazira; Cyril Yuhanna ibn al-Koul; Cyril Rizq Allah, metropolitan of Mosul; Athanasius Tuma of Qutrbul, metropolitan of Amid; Gregorius Shim’un, metropolitan of Bushairiyya; Cyril Bishaa, metropolitan of the patriarchal office; and Iyawaanis Behnam, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Behnam. They were later joined by Gregorius Anton, bishop of Gargar, Hisn Mansur and Kharaput, who had been recently ordained a bishop. Unanimously, they elected Maphryono Basilius a patriarch and consecrated him on Sunday August 17, 1768; he was called Ignatius Jirjis at his ordination. (Some say he was Jirjis III. More correctly, he was Jirjis IV.) The ceremony of his ordination was attended by a large crowd of laity, preceded by the priests of Mardin and its environs. The new patriarch sent his brother, Deacon Isaiah, to the capital (Constantinople); Isaiah acquired an excellent royal decree for his investiture from Sultan Mustafa III in the year 1182 of the Islamic calendar/1768 A.D. He appointed as his deputy in the capital Francis Chalabi, son of Khawaja Tumajan of Mardin, the dragoman (interpreter) to the Spanish ambassador. At the beginning of 1769, he convened a synod attended by ten metropolitans and bishops to discuss church affairs. Then he journeyed to Diyarbakr, accompanied by the Metropolitans Jirjis and Bishara, to settle, with his own money, the debt owed to Hajj Ahmad. He also redeemed the pawned church vessels and restored them to the churches of their origin. He returned to the Za’faran Monastery, the Patriarchal Seat, where he remained throughout the whole period of his patriarchate. The patriarchate of Jirjis IV was characterized by the erection of churches and monasteries. He moved the altar of the Monastery of Mar Hananya (the Za’faran Monastery) from the middle of the nave, where it was supported by a wall, to a more suitable location and embellished it with ornaments. He also had the altar that contained the patriarchal throne painted. He built a new cell for monks above the iron gate and renovated three more cells. He built a cell for the monks within the porch, which included the cell of monk ‘Abd al-Nur. In 1772, he built six more cells for monks in the lower floor within the porches, a storehouse, a reception hall whose door looked toward the door of the Great Church, and a stable in the outer yard. In March, 1775, he built a large cell for monks in front of the porch, and another porch for the cell of the metropolitan of Jerusalem. He had new buildings constructed at the Monastery of Mar Matta and renovated the churches of Zakho, Mar Yaqub, and Mardin. At the beginning of 1771, a plague swept through Mardin for one and a half years. Many people died, including four monks, two metropolitans, the deacon Musa and his nephew Tuma, and twenty priests in Mardin and its surrounding villages. In April, 1772, the plague spread to Diyarbakr and its suburbs and as far as Mosul, where the patriarch’s brother Isaiah became its victim. The patriarch donated a pair of silver fans. The fans and a silver censor were adorned with gold in commemoration of deacon Musa. In 1773, he donated a pair of fans to the church of Amid, and he gave a big cross worth five hundred piasters to the Za’faran Monastery and a chandelier for the mausoleum of the fathers in 1774. In 1778, he donated a cross to the Church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin in commemoration of the two deacons Isaiah and Musa, from their own money. In 1781, he donated to the Za’faran Monastery a Garshuni copy of the History of Mikha’il al-Kabir (The Chronicle of Mar Mikha’il Rabo, or Rabo), and a cross and a staff to the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem. At that time, an inclination toward the Western (Roman Catholic) doctrine appeared in the diocese of Aleppo, which began to secede from the Syrian Orthodox Church by the machinations of the Latin monks. Actually, such a tendency had begun in the time of the patriarch’s predecessor. It created a serious problem for the church, along with the heavy court expenses caused by litigating its case with Metropolitan Mikha’il Jarwa. Patriarch Jurjis IV, who suspected Jarwa’s intentions, summoned him and advised him to mend his ways and return to the true path. Jarwa obeyed and remained for four years at the patriarch’s residence (the Za’faran Monastery). He craftily ingratiated himself outwardly to the patriarch, while inwardly he intended to secede from the church. Before returning to Aleppo, Jarwa deceitfully convinced the patriarch to send him to Aleppo in order to restore its church and congregation. The patriarch believed him and let him go. Jarwa journeyed to Aleppo, accompanied by Bishop Ibrahim and four priests, and arrived in the city on May 23, 1775. The patriarch soon realized, however, that Jarwa was treacherous. He resorted to the Ottoman rulers to punish him. But the Ottoman rulers, who through bribery twisted justice, turned against the patriarch. They were supported by the communicants of other church denominations which had recently converted to Catholicism. The patriarch was forced to keep his peace and appoint Jarwa as his deputy. He left Aleppo on July 29, and went to Edessa. On September 16 he arrived in Mardin, having by then lost 15,500 piasters. He treated the congregation of Aleppo with wisdom, lest they openly plunge into rebellion. Time, however, revealed their evil intentions and sick hearts. They seceded from the church, except for two priests and a few parishioners who remained faithful to the Syrian Orthodox Church. During Passion Week of 1775, the Chorepiscopus Sulayman, head of the Syrian Church in Egypt, died. The Coptic Patriarch, Anba Yuwannis XVIII, feared that the church might close down. He asked the Syrian bishop of Jerusalem to ordain Ni’mat Allah a priest for the church in Egypt. He wrote to the Syrian patriarch, urging him to assist the new priest. The patriarch did so and thanked Anba Yuwannis for his Orthodox perspicacity. In the fifth week of the year 1780, following Lent, Patriarch Jujjis IV went to Amid in response to the invitation of its congregation. He remained in the city until September; during this time he ordained three priests for Qutrubul and then returned to Mardin. In 1779, he fixed the festival of Mar Barsoum the ascetic on the Thursday preceding Lent, and the festival of Mar Severus (of Antioch) on the Thursday following the Fast of Nineveh. The reason for this change was that the congregations of Mardin and Diyarbakr celebrated these two festivals on February 3 and 8. After fulfilling his days on earth, he went to his reward, mourned by his people. He was seventy-two years old, of which he spent twelve years, eleven months and four days as patriarch. He was buried at the Za’faran Monastery in the tomb of Patriarch Jurjis II. Patriarch Jurjis IV (may God reward him) was one of the best patriarchs of Antioch for his astuteness and generosity to the churches. In his time flourished the Chorepiscopus Yaqub of Qutrubul, who wrote in Syriac the book entitled Zahrat al-M’arif (‘The Flower of Knowledge’). The patriarch consecrated the Holy Chrism in 1774. He ordained fifteen metropolitans and bishops, three of whom he had ordained when he was a maphryono. They are as follows: 1) Cyril Bishara, metropolitan of the Patriarchal Office (1761-1789) . Cyril Bishara was the son of the priest Ibrahim Nahit. In his family flourished his nephew the Chorepiscopus Iliyya (Elijah), son of Yaqub Nahit. Iliyya was ordained a priest for the Church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin in 1800, and a chorepiscopus in 1846. He passed away shortly after 1852. Cyril was born in the city of Bedlis. He said the following about himself: “I was raised an orphan. But God led me to the compassionate Metropolitan Cyril Gurgis (Jirjis) of Mosul, who raised me appropriately, taught me and educated me. In 1747 he vested me with the monastic habit, and in 1749 ordained me a deacon, and then a priest.” Cyril Bishara remained in the service of Metropolitan Cyril Gurgis of Mosul, who noticed his qualities and faithfulness. When Gurgis became a maphryono, he ordained Bishara a metropolitan for his Maphrianate Office on July 29, 1761, at the Church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin, and called him Cyril Bishara at his ordination. Cyril became an assistant to Metropolitan Gurgis. In 1765 and 1770, he visited Bedlis to inspect the congregation in that city and ordained a few deacons. In 1768, he attended the synod at the Za’faran Monastery which elected Jirjis IV a patriarch. In May, 1773, the patriarch entrusted him with the bishopric of Amid to succeed Metropolitan Tuma of Qutrubul. In the following year, he changed his ordination name to Gregorius and added to his diocese of Amid the diocese of Jerusalem. Metropolitan Gregorius and Bishop Mansur, superior of the Monastery of St. Mark, visited the dioceses to collect the revenues due the Patriarchal See. In 1775, Metropolitan Gregorius journeyed to Bushairiyya and Se’ert. In the following year he visited Mosul. In 1779, he traveled to his own diocese of Jerusalem, passing through Aleppo, where he collected his church dues. He arrived in Jerusalem carrying with him many new church vessels and an amount of money to meet the needs of the Monastery (of St. Mark). He made an effort to settle the debt due the Armenians. Most of his concern, however, was devoted to the needs of the monastery, which he supplied with new furnishings, and he had a silver chandelier made from the superfluous vessels at the monastery. He decided to construct a building on the endowment land which belonged to the monastery, but the iniquity (of rulers) prevented him from carrying out the project. On learning of the death of Patriarch Jirjis IV, Metropolitan Bishara hurried to Mardin, leaving Bishop Ibrahim of Sadad as superior of the monastery. On January 25, 1782, the governor of Mardin forced him to partake in the installation of Mikha’il Jarwa as an intruding patriarch. Shortly afterward, he managed to escape persecution and joined the legitimate Patriarch Ignatius Matta. Both of them suffered adversities until they were set free. In 1783 Metropolitan Ibrahim was appointed to the diocese of Amid. Bishara remained a metropolitan of Jerusalem until 1789, when he was ordained a maphryono, as shall be seen shortly. According to an old book of Homologia (a Ccnfession of Faith) preserved in our Library, from 1761 to 1789 Bishara ordained thirty deacons, two archdeacons, ten priests, and two chorepiscopi for the Churches of Mar Yaqub in Banabil, Mar Qawma (Cosmas) in Bedlis, the Virgin in Se’ert, the Mother of God in Amid, Mar Qawma in the village of Qarabash, Mar Quryaqos in Zarjal, Mar Barsoum in Oyus, the Monastery of Mar Iliyya in Qanqart, the Virgin in Hattack, Mar Tuma in Qutrubul, the Martyr Shmuni in Malaha, Mar Peter and Paul in Edessa, the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem, the Monastery of Mar Abhai, the Mother of God in Hisn Mansur, Mar Barsoum in Gargar, and the Forty Martyrs in Mardin. 2) Iyawannis Behnam, metropolitan of the Monastery of Mar Behnam (1763-1776). Iyawannis Behnam was a son of the priest Quryaqos, son of Maqdisi ‘Abd al-Ahad, whose grandfather was still living between 1702 and 1718. He was born in Mosul in the first decade of the eighteenth century. He studied Syriac and obtained knowledge of church rituals. He became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Behnam and was trained in monasticism and religious sciences. He was ordained a priest before 1740, by the laying on of hands by Iyawannis Karas, metropolitan of the diocese of Mar Behnam. In 1744, he was appointed an abbot of the Monastery of Mar Matta, and he returned to his Monastery of Mar Behnam before 1752. When Maphryono Basilius Gurgis III (later Patrirch Jirjis IV), visited Mosul, he ordained him a metropolitan for his monastery and for the village of Ba Khudayda (Qaraqosh) on February 9, 1762. His ordination was attended by Bishop Rizq Allah. Iyawannis also witnessed the installation of Maphryono Gurgis III, who had ordained him a metropolitan, as Patrarich Jirjis IV. He attended the synod which the patriarch convened at the Za’faran Monastery in 1769. After managing his diocese for thirteen yeas, nine months and fifteen days, he passed away in old age on December 4, 1776, and was buried in the fathers’ mausoleum of his monastery next to the grave of Metropolitan Karas. The date of his death was inscribed in Syriac on his tomb. Iyawannis was the last metropolitan of this diocese, for shortly after his death most of the Syrians of Qaraqosh renounced Orthodoxy (and joined the Roman Catholic Church). He (may God have mercy on him) was an average Syriac calligrapher. Some of his copied manuscripts are preserved in Bartulli and other places. His family served the priesthood for a hundred years at the Church of the Tahira, in the Qal’a district of Mosul. In his family flourished his uncle the priest Yuhanna and his son, deacon Ishaq, who was still living in 1802, and his brother the priest Jeremiah and his son Quryaqos in 1757. 3) Gregorius Anton, bishop of Gargar (1768-1774). Anton was a native of Edessa. As a widower, he entered the Za’faran Monastery and was ordained a priest before 1756. When the metropolitan see of Gargar became vacant with the death of Metropolitan Yuhanna of Gargar in the middle of July, 1768 (a few days after the death of Patriarch Jirjis III), Maphryono Gurgis III ordained him a bishop for Gargar, Hisn Mansur and Kharput, and called him Gregorius Anton at his ordination at the Za’faran Monastery on Saturday, August 16 of the same year, in the presence of eight members of the synod. On the next day, he participated with the bishop in installing Maphryono Gurgis III, who had ordained him a metropolitan, as patriarch, as has been said earlier. Anton attended the synod convened at the beginning of the following year to install Maphryono Gurgis III as a patriarch. We saw his systaticon, written in Turkish with Syriac letters (Garshuni), preserved by Metropolitan Timothy of Tur ‘Abdin, and dated August 19. It included the names of the towns and villages of his diocese, like Hisn Mansur, Kharput, Tiel, Oyus. Karanki, Wank, Tebisias, Hadro and Tash Ile. Anton administered his diocese for almost six years and three months, and passed away on Tuesday November 11, 1774. He had a son named Khajik (‘Cross’ in Armenian) who was still living in 1798. Among his relatives were the priest Ephraim, son of Maqdisi Arotin Kalour, who was ordained at the Za’faran Monastery in 1884, and died at Jerusalem in 1924. He was a pious man. We read a letter by Patriarch Jirjis dated July 5, 1777, addressed to the congregation of Wank, in which he mentioned that he had sent to them the monk Yaqub of Amid to collect the tithes due the patriarchate. If they found him to be qualified, they should choose him as their metropolitan. This, however, did not happen until Elias, son of al-Akhras, was ordained a metropolitan in 1782. A Shining Page of the History of the Diocese of Diyarbakr (Amid) Introduction By virtue of its history and antiquities, Amid (not Omid), which is Diyarbakr, is one of the most ancient major and famous cities of Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia). The Turks called it Qara Amid (Black Amid) because of its black stones. It is often mentioned in both Syriac and Arabic historical accounts as the City of Glory. [ See Syriac handwritten antiquities in Diyarbakr.] Yaqut al-Hamawi said, “Amid is a fortified town, built mostly with black stones. Its elevation is like a crescent, encircled by the Tigris river.” According to the life-story of Mar (St.) Theodota, Amid became Christianized by the Apostle Addai (Thaddeus) and his disciple Aggai. Emperor Constantius II (337-361) renovated it in 349 A.D. [357, according to the Chronicle of the Anonymous Edessan, 1: 155]. Dionysius mentioned that Emperor Heraclius (610-641) built its great cathedral, named after the Virgin Mary. It was a great and large cathedral connected with the nearby city wall. It was renovated by Abai I, metropolitan of Amid, around 765. In later times, services were confined to a small part of it which was renovated by the Maphryono Ishaq ‘Azar of Mosul in 1693, by order of Patriarch Ignatius Jirjis II of Mosul. To it was added the nave of Saint Jacob of Sarug. Among its churches was the Church of John the Baptist. More than once, Amid was the seat of the Patriarchs of Antioch. We have a roster of its bishops from the beginning of the fourth century up to this day, the first of whom was Shim’un (Simon), who attended the Council of Nicaea (325). We spent much time and effort gathering information about this roster from over a hundred authentic sources. The Syrian inhabitants of Amid were numerous and strong until later times. In 1746, there were twenty priests in its church. In its vicinity were many monasteries, from which sprang notable and saintly ascetics. They were so numerous that Amid was called the City of Saints. Of these saints we may mention the well known ascetic, Mar Matta, who built in the Mountain of al-Faf his famous monastery (north of Mosul) in the second half of the fourth century [ Al-Faf is a Syriac terms meaning thousands. The mountain in which the monastery was built came to be known as that of al-Faf, i.e, the Monastery of the thousands. Tr.] Among these monasteries, whose history was preserved by time, were the Monastery of Mar Yuhanna Ortoyo, the account of whose history was recorded by Mar Yuhanna of Asia (John of Ephesus); the Monastery of Zuqnin; the Monastery of Mar Z’ura, which was still inhabited in 1358; and the Monastery of Mar Iliyya (Elijah) in the village of Qanqart, known today as Qara Kilisa (Black Church). To this monastery belonged the Malphono (learned man) Ishaq of Amid, who journeyed to Rome and Constantinople in the time of Emperor Arcadius in 410, and Dodo, the monk of Amid from the village of Samqe, whom the notables of Amid delegated to inform the emperor concerning the captivity and starvation which afflicted the land. Both of these men wrote commentaries on the Holy Scriptures. Furthermore, Dodo composed spiritual madrashe (metrical hymns). [The Chronicle of Zachariah Rhetor of Mytilene, 1: 103. ], [ See The Syriac Chronicle Known as That of Zachariah of Mitylene, trans. F. J. Hamilton and E. W. Brooks (London: Methuen & Company, 1899), 17. Tr.] Also noteworthy were Mara III, the confessor, metropolitan of Amid (534 ), the learned and famous historian Mar Yuhanna (John) of Asia or Ephesus (585), Ibrahim of Amid, who translated the anaphora (liturgy) of Mar Severus of Samosata from the Greek into Syriac (598) , Janurin the rhetorician of Amid (665), and Atanos of Amid, a physician and compiler of a scrapbook of medicine. Those in later times were Dionysius Yusuf Gharib, metropolitan of Amid, who drew up some husoyos (1358), Metropolitan Athanasius Aslan (d. 1741) and ‘Abd al-Nur, a monk of Amid (1755), both of whom translated some books into Arabic in everyday language, and the Chorepiscopus Yaqub the Amidian of Qutrubul, author of Zahrat al-Ma’arif fi Usul al-Lugha al-Suryaniyya (The Flower of Knowledge Regarding the Principles of the Syriac Lnaguage, 1781). Many church leaders came from Amid. They include the Patriarchs Athanasius VII, known as Abu al-Faraj (d. 1129); Ibrahim II, bar Gharib (1412), Yeshu’ II, bar Qamsha (1662), and the notable Nonus, metropolitan of Amid (504); Saint Theodota (698), Iyawannis, metropolitan of Herat in Afghanistan, Butrus (Peter), metropolitan of Arzen in the tenth century, Iyawannis Yusuf, metropolitan of Homs (1198), and four metropolitans of Jerusalem, who were Timothy II (around 1080), Abd al-Azal (1640), Gregorius ‘Abd al-Ahad (1731), and Dionysius Yaqub (1798); Gregorius Ayyub (Job), metropolitan of Gargar (1740), Gregorius Tuma, metropolitan of Damascus (1752), Iyawannis Yalda, metropolitan of Bushairiyya (1824), and Gregorius Gurgis, bishop of Amid (1866), and others. [Counting the bishops of Jerusalem mentioned by the author, there should be eight bishops, not four.] Muslim learned men associated with Amid were Abu al-Qasim al-Hasan ibn Bishr of Amid (d. 370 A.H./ 980 A.D.), the author of al-Mu’allaf wa al-Mukhtalaf fi Asma’ al-Shu’ara’ (Agreement and Disagreement Regarding the Names of Poets and Writers) and Kitab al-Muwazana bayn Abu Tammam wa al-Buhturi (The Book of Comparison between Abu Tammam and al-Buhturi); Abu al-Makarim Muhammad ibn al-Husayn of Amid, the Baghdadian poet (d. 552 A.H./1157 A. D.); the jurist and poet Abu al-Fada’il Ali ibn al-Muzaffar ibn Ja’far al-Shafi’i (d. 608 A.H./1211 A. D.), and Sayf al-Din Abu al-Hasan Ali the Taghlibite (d. 631 A.H./1233 A. D.) well known as The Amidi, a learned man and well versed in rationalistic knowledge. He authored the book of Abkar al-Afkar wa Rumuz al-Kunuz wa Daqa’iq al-Haqa’iq wa Muntaha al-Su’l fi al-Usul (Virginal Thoughts, Treasure Symbols, Particulars of Realities and Utmost Quest of Fundamentals.). Under the authority of the Greek emperors, Amid was exposed to the raids of the Persian kings, who captured it more than once. Emperor Justinian built its marvelous wall. The Arab Iyad ibn Ghunm conquered it in 20 A.H./640 A.D. In the ‘Abbasid period Arab princes ruled it, among them the Hamdanis, the Marwanids, and the Artukids. Later it was governed by the Mongols, and then the states of Qara Quyunlu (Black Sheep) and Aq Quyunlu (White Sheep), and the Safawi Shah Isma’il. Finally, it was conquered by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I. We wish to provide the readers with the histories of famous Syrian bishops who flourished in this city, because the revival of the memories of worthy ancestors will quicken dormant zeal. We preferred to crown this subject with the luminous traits of the Saint and Metropolitan Theodota, which we gathered from the following sources: (1) his life-story, which we consider a unique gem so far unpublished. We found two magnificent copies of it written in the Istrangelo Syriac script, at the Libraries of the Za’faran Monastery and the church of Diyarbakr. They were transcribed by the priest and church chanter, Shim’un of Samosata, who interpolated numerous anecdotes of Theodota related by his disciple the monk-priest Yusuf, considered a fair source of Theodota’s traits; and (2) the history ascribed to Patriarch Dionysius Tell Mahre (d. 845) which most likely belongs to a monk from the Monastery of Zuqnin. Men of Faith and Action - St. Theodota (Theodotus), metropolitan of Amid (698 A. D). Theodota was a distinguished father of the church known for his piety, holiness and service to wretched mankind. He was a native of the village of ‘Anath in the Agal Mountain (Beth Igaloye) in the province of Amid. He came from the Beth Quryono family. At an early age, he became devoted to the study of the Holy Scriptures, prayer, and fasting. He endeavored to reconcile people who harbored malice and hatred. He extended help to the sick and the poor. Because he had a penchant for asceticism, he visited the monasteries of the region of Amid, among which was the Monastery of Zuqnin), where he found a pious monk named Sawera (Severus). He asked him whether he would become his companion, and Sawera agreed. Sawera took Theodota back to his own Monastery of Qinneshrin (Eagle’s Nest) where he trained him in monastic life and had him wear the monastic habit. Theodota followed in the footsteps of his master. He shunned the world and its pleasures and devoted himself to worship, in which he attained a high degree. He was extremely abstemious, going for a whole week with one meal. He always endeavored to reconcile people with each other. Whenever two men were in conflict with each other, he asked them to make peace, even if it required him to humble himself by prostrating before them. He collected clothes to cover the naked, and served the sick and the strangers who came to the monastery. Many a night he went out to the caves near the Euphrates River to seek solitude and pray. It happened that the Patriarch of Antioch, Theodore, was then at the Monastery of Qinneshrin. When he learned about Theodota, he joined him in his retreat. After vespers, the patriarch entered the monastery to pray with the monks. Theodota, however, preferred not to enter the monastery until nightfall because he was busy caring for the sick, the needy and the widows and offering them help. Meanwhile, he resisted the wiles of Satan ferociously and triumphed over them. Quite often he would spend three days and nights fasting and praying. At the end, he received the sacraments from the blessed patriarch. Following the communion, he breakfasted on one loaf of bread. His main purpose was to ascend the ladder of virtue and devotion with humility and earnestness. When the monks discovered his spiritual qualities, they said, “A great prophet has risen amongst us.” Furthermore, God offered Theodota the gift of healing. He healed many people, including a paralytic girl and a man possessed by demons. As his healing fame spread far and wide, many notables brought him their children with them, hoping only to be blessed by his intercession. Three days after the death of the Patriarch Mar Theodore in 667, Theodota, carrying only a copy of the Gospels, left the monastery of Qinneshrin for Jerusalem. He was intercepted by a rich man who had committed a bad act, for which he was afflicted by God with a painful disease. Saint Theodota rebuked him for his misconduct. He repented, offered his possessions to the poor, and shunned the world. God accepted his repentance, and he became a monk and attained perfection. Theodota visited Mount Sinai Monastery and the holy sites in Jerusalem, where he restored a paralytic to health. Also, he healed the sick by putting dust he had gathered from the Sepulcher of the Savior on their wounds. He boarded a ship whose crewmen were Jews bound for Egypt. The sea raged and the passengers were stricken with fear. Theodota prayed and the billows calmed down. Because of this, the Jewish owners of the ships professed Christ. He visited the monks of the Scete (in Egypt) and remained with them for five years, performing many miracles which God had blessed him with. When his spiritual fame spread far and wide, the bishops of Egypt wanted to make him their bishop, but he declined and returned to the Monastery of Qarqafta (The Skull) in the Mountain of Mardin to continue his ascetic pursuit. As the crowd of sick people disturbed his solitude, he left for the Monastery of Zuqnin, whose monks received him with alacrity. He roamed the country taking care of the poor and the sick and distributed alms to them. Moreover, he communicated with the lords of the Greek fortresses adjacent to the Muslim lands to ransom both Arab and Greek captives. Upon the death of St. Tuma (Thomas), metropolitan of Amid, the patriarch and the bishops desired to install Theodota as bishop over Amid. They sent four clerics, with a message of invitation, to the Monastery of Mar Gurgis, known as the Monastery of Harbaz, where he was staying. He went with them, but on the way to the Monastery of Qinneshrin, he fled to the Arqnin Mountain and then to Claudia, where he stayed for five years. Meanwhile, Felixine, metropolitan of Samosata, sought to ordain him a priest, but failed. The governor of Samosata dispatched to those countries an unjust and uncouth man to collect taxes. Sarjis oppressed the lay people and monks and made fun of the intercession of Saint Theodota. But through Theodota’s intercession, God afflicted him with an evil spirit. He came back to his senses and desisted from oppressing the people. He restored to the poor and the monks what he had exacted from them and obediently submitted to Saint Theodota. Theodota, may God be pleased with him, had an intuitive knowledge of the secrets of the hearts of sinners. He would confront them with their sins and have them repent and return to the right path. He and his disciple Yusuf sought to explore the problems of the native Syrians of the villages of Bilo and Philene (sic) in the country of fortresses ruled by a Greek tyrant who intended to replace the belief of these Syrians with that of the Greeks. On the way, the tyrant was intercepted by highway robbers who mocked him. Through Theodota’s supplication, one of them became afflicted with an evil spirit. He implored the saint to heal him, which he did. He rebuked the man for his behavior, and the man repented and converted to Christianity. Theodota then journeyed to Miyafarqin and the Sophnites’ country, to the Monastery of Mar Abai near Qellith, and to the Monastery of Qartmin, in the time of Iliyya its bishop He returned to the Monastery of Mar Abai, where he built a cell on its upper section. At that time Athanasius, the metropolitan of Amid, reconvened a synod to elect Theodota a bishop for Amid. Accordingly, Patriarch Julian II (687-708) summoned Theodota to him. Theodota dispatched his disciple Yusuf to the patriarch, apologizing because he could not come. But the patriarch, who was in Amid at this time, sent to Theodota bishops, notables, and the periodeutes Shim’un. Theodota complied. As he drew near the city of Amid, the patriarch sent two bishops and his secretary Theodore to inform him why he had been summoned. When Theodota learned the reason, he at first declined, but the patriarch’s secretary convinced him to obey, and he did. Meanwhile, the governor of Amid accused Theodota of spying for the Greeks (Byzantines), used harsh language with him, and even had him beaten. But God afflicted the governor with blindness. He appealed to the saint for forgiveness. Theodota prayed for him, but on the next day the governor was removed from office. As he departed the city, he fell off his horse on the way and died. This incident enhanced Theodota’s position among the natives so much that the majority of Christians, Muslims and heathens rushed to receive his blessing. Patriarch Julian II ordained him a bishop for Amid on Whitsunday, much to the joy of the whole city. On the next day they came to hear his sermon. He climbed the pulpit and delivered a sermon on love. When he finished, he bowed his head before them with tears, asking their forgiveness. The people wept with him and asked him to bless them, which he did. They departed with joy. It is said that when Theodota held the staff of bishopric he would not let it touch the ground, saying that it was the Apostles’ staff, which he was unworthy to carry. He was more intent on piety and devotion. He allowed visitors to see him only once a day to dispense of their affairs. He welcomed all people, be they Syrian Orthodox, Armenians or Muslims. He received them with joy and open arms. At nightfall, he and his disciple visited the sick and the poor, who came from faraway places to see him. He instructed his disciple to give them whatever alms they have collected. Actually, all that he and his disciple possessed was a water mill and an orchard, which were the church’s endowment. Theodota was compassionate and benevolent toward the poor and strangers. Because of his tenderness of heart, he greatly grieved for those who were taken captive. From the pulpit he pleaded for compassion toward the captives. He asked the Christians and Muslims to donate money to ransom them and restore them to their lands. He told the archdeacon of the church to instruct the priests to celebrate the Holy Eucharist on Wednesday in churches which bore the name of the Virgin, on Friday in commemoration of the prophets, martyrs, apostles and the saintly fathers, on Saturday in commemoration of the ascetic and the deceased, and on Sunday in commemoration of the Resurrection of the Savior. He ordered the congregations to attend church and forbade the clergy from assuming worldly positions or agencies. As his fame resounded throughout and he became reputed to speak only the truth and fear no one, the governor of the East charged him with interfering in the affairs of the Christians in Amid and its suburbs. The wise and great men obeyed his rule and the city was protected from evil. Many criminals, sinners and people lost in error flocked to him from all parts, confessing their sins and asking him for guidance. Through him they repented and returned to God. When he grew old and feeble, he returned to his monastery for solace. On Easter Sunday he preached a powerful sermon about the miraculous resurrection of the Lord. He enchanted his audience with his eloquence and profound knowledge. The clergy rushed to exalt him while he descended from the Bema (bishopric seat). He invited them to a banquet and then went out to visit the parishioners. He wrote to the clergy that he was leaving for his monastery and they would probably not see him again. He instructed them to keep the Lord’s commandments. The whole city was shaken by this news. When Theodota drew near the Monastery of Qinneshrin, the monks and the people in the vicinity received him with great joy, especially because he had been away for forty years. They rallied around him like a pole of the celestial sphere. Because of his old age and infirmity, however, he resigned his position as a bishop of Amid in the presence of Patriarch Julian II and the metropolitans. The fathers did not accept his resignation, but he would not change his mind. The clergy and notables of the city implored him with tears to stay with them. But he apologized, saying that old age prevented him from shouldering the great responsibility of his position. The monks asked him to stay in the citadel (Monastery) of Mar Tuma, and he agreed. While he stayed in the citadel, the sick kept flocking to him and disturbing his solitude. He was forced to leave the monastery, much against the insistence of the people to whom he was their shining star. He passed through Edessa and Sarug, where he was received with pomp by the bishops and notables, and even by the Greeks (Byzantines). He blessed them and continued his journey to the Monastery of Mar Daniel Dagloi (of Jalash) at the town of Dairkeh. Then he came to the Monastery of Mar Abai, where the notables of Mardin, Dara, Tur ‘Abdin and Hisn Kifa came out to receive him. He built a monastery with the help of the governor of Dara and its congregation and deposited in it the relics of saints which he had carried along with him. He built a church in the name of the Virgin (Mary), who had appeared to him in a dream and asked him to build it. Because of old age, one side of his body ceased to function [ Most likely he had a stroke. Tr. ] He sent a message to Saint Tuma, the stylite monk at the town of Tall Mawzalt, asking him to pray for him. Tuma replied praising Theodota’a spiritual strife. [ Mar Tuma died in 1010 of the Greeks/699 A.D. In his time the cathedral of Harran was built. See The Compendium of Syriac History we published in Paris, 1918, p. 13.] In his testament, written in his own hand, Theodota bequeathed his monastery to his disciple the monk-priest Yusuf, instructing him either to stay at the monastery or to leave at will. In case he decided to leave, he was to bequeath it to anyone of his choice, with the condition that women should not reside in it. Theodota mentioned that he and his disciple owned no earthly possessions except for five books. He ended with his benediction. He gathered the brethren and, stretching his hands, blessed them while they shed sorrowful tears for his departure of this life. He asked them to carry him to the holy altar to bid it farewell. He handed his disciple the urn which contained the relics of the saints, for whom he appointed a day of commemoration on September 20. He instructed him to continue in the fear of God, repentance, and repairing to the saints for refuge. He received the Holy Communion, signed the cross, and departed to his Lord on August 15, 1009 of the Greeks /698 A. D. He was buried at his monastery, of which only ruins remain today. This took place in the time of Patriarch Julian II, Gabriel, bishop of Dara, Matta, metropolitan of Amid, Sarjis, bishop of Mardin, Ahi, metropolitan of Tur Abdin, and Iliyya, bishop of Miyafarqin. These fathers and their congregations lauded him and fixed August 15 as a day for his commemoration [ According to the Calendar of Ibn Khayrun]. His name was listed in the Book of Life together with the saints of the seventh century. [See The Book of Life in the village of Zaz, in Tur ‘Abdin. ] According to the history ascribed to Patriarch Dionysius Tell Mahre (Pseudo-Tell Mahre), Mar Theodota succeeded Saint Tuma, metropolitan of Amid, in 1024 of the Greeks/713 A. D., died after the year 1040 of the Greeks/ 729 A. D., and was succeeded by Mar Quzma (Cosmas) More correctly, Mar Theodota succeeded Athanasius, the metropolitan of Amid, and died in 698, as mentioned above. After his resignation, according to his life-story, he was succeeded by Metropolitan Matta. Further evidence is that Mar Tuma the stylite, mentioned above, died after Theodota in the following year (699), and that Patriarch Julian passed away in 708. May God benefit us and the sons of the holy church through his supplication. Bishops of the City of Harran Foreword Harran was an ancient city of the Jazira south of Edessa. Yaqut al-Hamawi said, “Harran is a great and famous city of the Jazira of ‘Aqur. It is the capital city of the lands of Mudar. Between it and Edessa is one day’s travel distance, and between it and al-Raqqa is two days’ travel distance. Harran is situated on the highway between Mosul, al-Sham (Syria), and the land of the Rum (Greeks, Byzantines). It was the abode of the Sabean Harranians, mentioned by the authors of books on sects and denominations.” [Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan, 3: 242-243.] Today it is a small village. The learned Bar Hebraeus said, “Harran was built by Qinan, son of Arphaxad, and named after his son Haran. To Harran fled Abraham (the friend of God) with his father Terah and his brother Nahur and Lot, son of his brother Haran. Abraham lived for fourteen years there, where his father Terah died. Jacob fled to it from his brother Esau and lived in it for twenty years, according to the Holy Bible.” (Genesis, 31: 38) The natives of Harran spoke classical Syriac, which is the Aramaic language. It was also the language of the natives of Edessa and outer Syria. [Bar Hebreaus, Tarikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal (Compendious History of Dynasties), 17-18, 22, 24-25.] Harran was conquered in the time of the Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (634-644) by Iyad ibn Ghunm, who attacked it before Edessa. Its notables told him that they had no objection to his taking their city. But they implored him to march against Edessa first, and whatever its inhabitants resolved to do, they would follow suit. Iyad marched against Edessa and assured its inhabitants of peace. The inhabitants of Harran agreed to make peace with Iyad. [ Mu’jam al-Buldan, 2: 342, and al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan (The Conquest of Countries: Egypt, 179 ff.)] Harran was the residence of Marwan al-Ja’da, the last of the Umayyad caliphs. [Bar Hebraeus, Tarikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal, 205.] From it flourished a group of learned men, among whom was the famous Abu al-Hasan Thabit ibn Qurra ibn Marwan the Sabean, a resident of Baghdad. Bar Hebraeus says, “He (Abu al-Hasan Thabit ibn Qurra) occupied the highest offices by the favor of the Caliph al-Mu’tadid. He was proficient in Greek, Syriac and Arabic. In Arabic alone, he wrote no less than 150 books on logic, mathematics, astrology and medicine. In Syriac, he wrote about sixteen books, the greater number of which we have come upon, including The History of Ancient Syrian Kings, i.e., the Chaldeans, and a Book on the Faith of the Sabeans, to which he appended the account of the genealogy of his forefathers. [Actually, Bar Hebreaus has much more to say about this learned Sabean and his scholarly achievement. See The Chronography of Abu’l Faraj Bar Hebraeus, trans. E. L. Wallis Budge, 1 (Oxford, 1932): 152-153. Barsoum quotes the original Syriac, 168, which is probably the text translated by Budge. Tr.] Ibn Abi Usaybi’a said, “In the time of Thabit ibn Qurra no one could mach him in the science of medicine or any other parts of philosophy. He wrote books known for their excellence. Like him, many of his posterity and relatives achieved excellence in sciences. He died in 288 A.H./900 A. D. [Ibn Abi Usaybi’a, Uyun al-Anba’, 1: 216] His son, Sinan, was the physician of the Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtadir. Thabit ibn Qurrra was proficient in astronomy. He converted to Islam for fear of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Qahir. He died in 331 A.H./942 A. D. His grandson al-Hasan Thabit was knowledgeable in the principles of medicine. He was adept in solving scientific problems. He assumed charge of the administration of the hospital in Baghdad and wrote a famous book of history. He died in 363 A.H./973 A. D. [Uyun al-Anba, 1: 216] Learned men flourished in the family of Ibn Qurra; among them were the prominent physician Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Zahrun the Sabean of Harran (he died in Baghdad in 369 A.H./979 A.D.) and Muhammad ibn Jabir ibn Sinan ‘Abu Abd Allah of Harran, known as al-Battani, who was famous in observing the stars. In fact, no one in Islam had achieved the degree of his efficiency in amending the observation of the stars and examining their movement. He was a Sabean from Harran. He died in 317 A.H./929 A.D. [Bar Hebraeus, Tarikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal, 296.] Also came Abu ‘Aruba al-Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn Abi Ma’sahr of Harran, a leader (Imam) in knowing the Quran by heart. He wrote the history of the Jazira. He died in 318 A.H./930 A.D.; later Abu al-Hasan Ali ‘Abd al-Rahman of Harran also wrote a history of the Jazira. He was a leading Imam in knowing the Quran by heart. He died in 355 A.H./965 A.D. He was of noble character and an authority on the Quran. [Mu’jam al-Buldan, 2: 242.]. Harran, as mentioned above, was the abode of the Sabeans, who were strong heathens. Bar Hebraeus said that when Emperor Julian, known as the Apostate (361-363), decided to attack Persia, he reached Harran. As he was about to leave the city he bowed his head down to worship its gods. But his crown fell off his head and struck his horse. The attendant of the idol told him, “The Christians who are with us have brought upon you all these calamities.” On that day he eliminated about twenty thousand of their men. We think that some of the pagan temples of Harran survived until the twelfth century. In his work al-Athar al-Baqiya ‘an al–Qurun al-Khalia, ed. E. Sachau (Leipzig, 1878), 104-206, the famous scholar Abu al-Rayhan al-Biruni (973-1050) investigated the origin of the Sabeans. He said, “Among their antiquities is the dome on top of the mihrab (prayer niche) near the stall at the mosque of Damascus. In the time of the Greeks and the Romans, their temple was the place of pagan gods because, like them, they were pagans. Then it fell into the hands of the Jews, who turned it into a synagogue (sic).” Then the Christians captured the temple and turned it into a church. The Muslims turned it into a masjid. The Harranians had many temples and idols named after the sun They were of specific forms, as Abu Ma’shar of Balkh (d. 886) mentioned in his book On the Houses of Worship, like the temple of Ba’lbak dedicated to the sun. Harran, however, was dedicated to the moon. It was built in the shape of a crescent, like a shawl worn over the head and shoulders. In its neighborhood was the village called Salamsin in Syriac. Another nearby village was called Tar’o ‘Uoz, i.e., The Gate of Venus. It is said that the Harranians were not truly the original Sabeans but those mentioned by books as hanifs, or heathens. The Sabeans were, in fact, those children of Israel who remained in Babylon in the time of Cyrus and Artaxerxes and did not return to Jerusalem. They adopted the laws of the Magians and the religion of Nebuchadnezzar. Thus, their religion became a conglomeration of Magianism and Judaism, like that of the Samaritans of Syria. Most of them are found in Wasit and the land of Sawad in southern Iraq in the district of Ja’far, al-Jamida and the two rivers (the two branches of the Euphrates). By origin, they are traced to Anush, son of Seth. They are different from the natives of Harran, whose faith they reject. They disagree with them except in small matters. While the Sabeans in praying turn their faces toward the North Pole, the people of Harran turn theirs toward the South Pole.” Abu Ma’shar also said on p. 318, “More than other people, they were known as Harraniyya in the Abbasid state in the year 228 A.H./842 A.D., in order to be considered dhimmis who pay taxes and become protected by the Muslims. However, they were formerly called hanifs, heathens and Harranians.” [Bar Hebraeus, Tarikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal, 266. Only a small number of Sabeans of Iraq remain today.] Christianity most likely reached Harran from Edessa in the first century; however, we know of no bishop of Harran before the middle of the fourth century A.D. Among its churches were the Church of Mar Ahodemeh, which specifically belonged to the people of Takrit, who dwelt in it; the church of Mar Gurgis and the church of the Virgin in Quba, which the Muslims destroyed in 835 A.D., together with the churches of the Rum (Byzantines) and the Nestorians and the synagogue of the Jews. Later, the governor ordered them rebuilt and delivered to their owners. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 1: 505] Three synods convened at Harran, presided over by our famous Patriarch of Antioch Mar Quryaqos of Takrit. The first convened in 793; the second, in 794, issued forty-seven canons; and the third, in 813 at Beth Batin in the province of Harran, issued forty-seven canons [The Collection of Church Canons at the churches of Diyarbakr and Basibrina] Among our Syrian learned men of Harran were Harith, son of Sisan Sanbat of Harran, who wrote a commentary on the Gospels of Mark and John at the end of the eighth century [Anton Baumstark, Geschichte der Syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922), 271] and Iliyya (Elijah) of Harran, bishop of Salamya, from the Monastery of John Bar Aphtonya (The Monastery of Qinneshrin), who wrote a treatise on the Eucharist and another on the phrase, “We break the Heavenly Bread,” [Baumstark, 277], and a Diatessaron similar to that of Ammonius , i.e., the mixed Gospels (sic). This book was mentioned by the learned Jacob bar Salibi in his Commentary on the Gospels. He said, “This book (Diatessaron) is very rare and was known only in the first decade of the ninth century.” Also Jacob bar Tshakko, metropolitan of Harran, drew up an anophora (liturgy) in 1231 [Aphram Barsoum, Nuzhat al-Adhan fi Tarikh Dayr al-Za’faran, 136]. Among the Malkites or Rum (Byzantines) who flourished in Harran were its Bishop Theodore, known as Abu Qurra, author of the Apologitical Theology in the first quarter of the ninth century [Mikha’il al-Kabir, Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 495] and Constantine, a Malkite bishop who flourished at the end of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth centuries and wrote four controversial treatises. He was succeeded by Leon, who addressed a letter to Iliyya (Elijah) our patriarch of Antioch; both of these were written in Syriac. [William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature (London, 1894), 160-161); Rubins Duval, La Literature Syriaque, 378] Among our learned men we may mention Mar Shim’un (Simon) d- beth Zaite, bishop of Harran, the controversial writer, who shall be discussed later, and Daniel, the monk and profound writer who arranged the Biblical lections for Passion Week. He came from the village of Beth Batin, or from its monastery. (Syriac Written Antiquities) Among the Sabean learned men attributed to Harran, other than those mentioned earlier, was Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Hilal of Harran, the Sabean author of famous letters and distinguished in his time in rhetoric. He died in 994 A.D. and was eulogized in a unique famous ode by al-Sharif al-Raddi beginning, “Have you known whom they raised on the wood (gallows)? Have you seen that the light of the assembly is put out? [Khayr al-Din al-Zirrikly, al-A’lam (Prominent Men), 1: 26] Other learned men were Qurra ibn Qamita of Harran, who drew on unprocessed birdlimed linen cloth with waterproof dyestuffs a map of the world which was appropriated by Thabit ibn Qurra of Harran [Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, 297] and Hilal ibn al-Muhsin ibn Ibrahim the Sabean of Harran (d. 1056 A.D.), who was a historian and man of letters. He continued the history of Thabit ibn Sinan. [Al-Zirrikly, al-A’lam, 2: 1126] One of the most remarkable Sabean learned men was Baba of Harran, known for his power of prescience. The learned Bar Salibi devoted a whole chapter to him, saying that Baba foretold the appearance of the Lord Christ and the destruction of the temple of idols of Harran. Baba lived before the Christian era, but his exact date is unknown. [Rahmani, Studia Syriaca, 1: 48, 70] Ibn al-Nadim mentioned the faith of the Harranian Chaldeans, known as Sabeans. He devoted a chapter to their history and leaders copied from Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib, and the Christians Abu Yusuf Yeshu’ Qati’i and Wahb ibn Ibrahim. He also wrote in detail about the Manicheans, followers of the atheist Mani, some of whom were in Harran. This group was also mentioned in the life-story of Mar Shim’un d-Zaite. [Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, 442-472] Abu al-Hasan al-Mas’udi (d. 956) mentioned the temples of the Sabeans of Harran. He said, “The Sabeans of Harran have temples named after rational concepts and stars. Among these were the Temple of the First Cause and The Temple of Reason. But I have no idea whether they meant the First Reason or the Second Reason. Others temples were the Temple of the Virgo, The Temple of Form, and The Temple of the Soul, which were circular in shape, the hexagonal Temple of Saturn, the triangular Temple of Jupiter, the oblong Temple of Mars, the triangular Temple of Venus placed in a tetragonal frame, and the octagonal Temple of the Moon. What is left of their great temples at this time (that is, the year 331 A.H./943 A.D.) is a temple in the city of Harran near the gate of al-Raqqa, known as the Temple of Musallina (worship temple) which is the Temple of ‘Azar (sic), father of the Patriarch Abraham.” [Thus also Abu al-Fida’ says that at the top of a mound in Harran stood a musalla (worship-place) exalted by the Sabeans and attributed to Abraham. Perhaps by Azar they meant Li’azar, chief servant in Abraham’s household [see Genesis, 24: 2]. Al-Mas’udi continues, “This denomination is known by the name of Harranians. The Sabeans are philosophers but actually fraudulent. Their commoners are related to them by means of causality and not wisdom. I saw above the door of their religious assembly in Harran a saying of Plato written in Syriac. It was interpreted by Malik ibn Afnun as, ‘He who knows his essence becomes divine.’” [Al-Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab, 1: 378.] The most important of these temples was the Temple of the Moon Sien, to which is attributed the city of Harran. Thus, it was called the City of Sien. In a metrical hymn, Saint Jacob of Sarug stated that Harran had been afflicted by the deception of Satan. He said, “Satan misguided Harran by worshiping the moon-god Sien.”) In his Semitic Antiquities, Pognon said that after the fall of the Assyrian state, the Manda tribe conquered Edessa and destroyed the temple of Harran. But it was rebuilt by Nabonid, King of Babylon in 536 B.C., according to an important source written in cuneiform. Pognon discovered this source in the ruins of the village Eski Harran. It was probably written by the chief priest of the temple, an old man who said, “The chief god Moon Sien favored him with a long life of one hundred and four years, and he had preserved his faculties perfectly from the time of the Assyrian King Ashur Panipal up to the ninth year of Nabonid, king of Babylon.” [Pognon, Semitic Antiquities, 13] Later the city of Harran was destroyed. The natives built a new city in the southern part of the old one and gave it the same name, but the famous Temple of the Moon was some distance away. The Greek historian Herodian said, “When Emperor Caracalla (211-217) came to Carrhae (Harran) to visit the Temple of the Moon-god, which was far away from the city, he did not want to tie up his troops. So he took horsemen with him to visit the temple. When he was at a distance from his guards he was stabbed by Martilianus.” [Pognon, 14.] According to another version, while Caracalla was on his way to visit the temple of the Moon-god, he dismounted to relieve himself and was stabbed by a soldier and finished off by guard officers, by the instigation of Macrinus, one of his joint praetorian prefects. [See Michael Grant, The Roman Emperors, (New York, 1985), 120. Tr.] According to Patriarch Mar Mikha’il (Michael Rabo), when Emperor Julian the Apostate visited Harran in 363, he worshiped the Moon-god. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 1: 144.] This temple was still standing in 1031 A. D. Chronicling the events of that year, Yahya ibn Sa’id al-Antaki said that it had been used by the Arabs as a fortress. He went on to say, “The Arabs of the Banu Numayr captured all the fortresses of the Jazira, and each one was controlled by one of their amirs. Some noblemen captured Harran and used its youth to subdue other cities. They wronged the natives of the city, pillaging and ruining their lives, with the result that many of them fled. Also, these men captured a Sabean Temple of the Moon-god, and no other temple but this one was left for the Sabeans to use as a fortress. Many Sabeans of Harran embraced Islam for fear of the Muslims.” [Tarikh ibn Batriq, 2: 265] In the neighborhood of Harran were monasteries, some of which achieved fame, like the Monastery of Beth Batin [Beth Batin is a Syriac term meaning between the houses or temples] in the village of the same name. Beth Batin housed the palace of the Umayyad Caliph Marwan, which was ruined by Abd Allah ibn Ali. [Chronicle of the Anonymous Edessan, 1: 23.] At this monastery a synod was convened in 794. From it came Patriarch Dionysius II, who was also buried in it in 909 [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 3: 757]; the Monastery of Tall Sefre (The Hill of Birds/Sparrows), where Patriarch Yuhanna V was ordained in 910; the great Monastery in Kafar Tibna near the gate of Harran [MS of the life-story of Mar Shim’un d- bethZaite]; and the Monastery of Mar Li’azar (Lazarus) the notable ascetic. To this monastery belongs Sergius, metropolitan of Cyrrhus in 878. [Pognon, 44.] From Harran issued forth several bishops, among whom were Nanus of Harran, a monk of the Monastery of Qartmin (Mar Gabriel), metropolitan of al-Raqqa, about 1070 [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 764]; Emmanuel the outstanding monk, who is traced to Harran. He was the disciple of Maphryono Quryaqos. He took part in the building of the Monastery of Ibn Jaji by using stones and lime. He passed away in 1001. [Michael Rabo, 3: 553]; and Theophilact ibn Qanbara of Harran, goldsmith of the Umayyad Caliph Marwan II, who became a patriarch of the Malkite Rum by order of the caliph and persecuted the Maronites in 874. [Michael Rabo, 3: 467] The Syrian population of Harran was large and powerful. In Harran was ordained the famous Patriarch Quaryaqos of Antioch [Michael Rabo, 2: 752], who succeeded Patriarch Yusuf in 790 [Michael Rabo, 2: 483]. Its see was considered the third among the metropolitan episcopates of Edessa. Following is a table of its bishops, collected from most reliable sources: 1) Saint Barsa (Barses), bishop of Harran (?-361) Barsa became a bishop of Harran before 361 A.D. In that year he was transferred to Edessa by order of the Emperor Constantine II (337-340). In his time the famous school of Edessa was founded, probably in 363. St Ephraim was his acquaintance and praised him in his metrical hymns of Nisibin [See Gustav Wilhelm Hugo Bickell, Carmina Nisibina (1866). Tr. ] He also extolled his two successors, Pitus and Protogenus. When the Arian Emperor Valens (364-378) came to Edessa and persecuted its people because of their adherence to the Orthodox faith, he banished Barsa to the island of Aradus in Egypt and installed in his place an intruding Arian bishop in September, 373. But upon learning that Barsa was very popular among the people because of the miracles, especially healing the sick, which God wrought through him, he transferred him to the city of Oxorcus, and then to the citadel of Philo on the borders of the barbarian lands. It was there that Barsa passed away in March, 378. The historian Theodoret of Cyrus said that his bed in the island of Aradus was preserved with great dignity because many sick people had recovered by lying in it. This fact was also related by Patriarch Michael Rabo, who said that the heart of this saint was filled with apostolic grace. [The Church History of Theodoret, Part 4, Chapter 14; Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 149.] 2) Abgar, bishop of Harran (361-370). Abgar succeeded Barsa. The historian Theophanes mentioned him in the course of discussing an event which took place in the time of Emperor Julian (the Apostate) at a suburb of Harran. The term of his episcopate probably lasted from 361 to 370. [Michel Lequien, Oriens Christianus (Paris, 1740), 975. This work consists of three volumes. Barsoum does not identify the volume he used.] 3) Pitus, bishop of Harran (371-381). Pitus succeeded Abgar in the see of Harran. In 371 he signed the letter of the great Saint Basilius addressed to the bishops of the West. In the following year, he signed the synodical letter addressed to the West by Saint Malatius, patriarch of Antioch, and his thirty-two bishops. In 377 Saint Basilius wrote a letter to him. In 381 he attended the Ecumenical Council of Constantinople, among whose assembled fathers he was considered most outstanding. The historian Sozomen said, “Pitus was famous for his piety and monastic way of life. Most likely he passed away in the year 381 or shortly afterwards.” [Sozomen, 6: 32; Michael Rabo, 1: 159; Roherbacher, Church History, 7: 154; Lequien, 975; Cavalera, The Antiochian Schism,190, 209; and Letters of Mar Basilius, 255.] 4) Saint Protogenes, bishop of Harran . Protogenes was an ascetic monk in Harran and then became a priest. When Emperor Valens banished its Metropolitan Saint Barsa, he replaced him with “an Arian wolf.” He decided to slaughter the clerics and lay people if they adhered to the orthodox faith, but declined because of the courage of a faithful woman. Carrying her baby, she broke through the ranks of the army, defying the torments of death. Her daring attitude convinced the emperor that her remarkable behavior was sufficient evidence of the people’s unshakable orthodox faith. He commanded Modestus, governor (prefect) of the city of Harran, to persuade the clerics to submit to the authority of the intruding Arian governor. Modestus summoned the priests and deacons (eighty in number, headed by a remarkable priest named Eulogius) to a meeting, but could not change their mind. Eulogius said to Modestus, “We already have a shepherd, and his teachings alone we shall follow.” Modestus banished them to Thrace. When the news of their praiseworthy determination and remarkable fame reached the emperor, he ordered that they be sent in pairs into scattered locations. The two priests, Eulogius and Protogenes, were banished to Antanbuh in Upper Egypt, where they participated with its orthodox bishop in church services. But when they saw that the number of the faithful was small and that of the heathens large, they were greatly distressed. Eulogius shut himself up in a cell, spending time in devotional solitude and prayer day and night. The pious Protogenes proceeded to learn the language of the city as quickly as he could. He established a school to teach the youth to read the Holy Scriptures, especially the Psalms. Gradually, he led them to knowledge of the Apostolic teachings. When it happened that one of them became sick, Eulogius held him by the hand and prayed for him, and he was healed. When the news of his healing reached the parents of the pupils, they invited him to their homes to heal their sick. Eulogius refused unless they were first baptized. Still, they hoped to receive from him the healing of body and soul. Whenever one of them accepted the divine grace, Protogenes brought him to Eulogius’s cell, asking to have him baptized. But if Eulogius complained that the people who sought his help had interrupted his prayer Protogenes would remind him that the salvation of those deceived was of still greater magnitude. Those who witnessed his miracles and guidance to the light of God marveled at Protogenes’s admission of Eulogius’s superior virtue and position. When the storm of persecution calmed down, Eulogius and Protegenes received an order to return to their country. They were bidden farewell by the bishop and the faithful in tears. Upon their return home, the great Saint Barsa had already been translated to eternal life. Eulogius was ordained a bishop for Edessa by the laying of the hands of Eusebius, metropolitan of Samosata, in the year 379. When the see of Harran became vacant with the death of Bishop Pitus in 381 or shortly afterward, Eulogius recommended Protogenes, his companion in the struggle, to that see. Protegenes proved to be a skillful physician in that city which was afflicted with the sores of idols. He proved to be an active element in that region, stifled by the disease of heathenism. [Theodoret, Part 4, Chapter 15; Rubens Duval, Histoire Politique, Religieuse, Et Littéraire d’Édesse (1892), 288-298; Michael Rabo, 2: 149; Lequien, 976, who added to Theodoret a Chapter 18 on monasticism. He said, “When he (Protogenes) returned home, Bishop Pitus entrusted him to work in Harran, which was filled with the thorns of heathenism. Then, Protogenes succeeded him in his see; P. Bedjan, Acta Martyriarum, 6: 368.], [Apparently, Barsoum quoted the whole episode of Eulogius and Protogenes from the Greek version of Theodoret translated into French by Rubens Duval, taking many liberties with the text. For an English translation of the text, see Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus, History of the Church (London, 1854), 172-175. The name of the translator is not given. Tr. ] According to some sources, Eusebius, already mentioned, ordained Protogenes in 397 [Chronica Minora, 202]. But this is unlikely because Eusebius died in 379, while the See of Harran was occupied by Bishop Pitus, who attended the Council of Constantinople in 381, as was said earlier. If we allow ourselves to extract the deeds of this great bishop from his brilliant past, we will see that he had led many of the natives of Harran to the light of the Gospel, although we lack historical information about his episcopate. 5) Mar Abraham, bishop of Harran. Abraham succeeded Protogenes in the see of Harran. He was steeped in piety, virtue and religious zeal. His life-story was written by Theodoret of Corinth in his History of Monasticism. Theodoret said, “He (Mar Abraham) was an excellent fruit which ripened in Cyrus, where he was born and raised. He devoted himself to piety, worship, spiritual exercise, and fasting and prayer, until his body grew feeble and he became sick. When he recovered, he went to a big village in the Mountain of Lebanon which adhered to heathenism. He arrived at the village disguised as a merchant and redeemed its people for fifty dinars, which he had borrowed from his acquaintances in the city of Homs. He continued to treat the villagers with compassion, despite their roughness and callousness, and they were astonished by his patience. They came to appreciate him and asked him to take charge of their village affairs. He did so, but only after they fulfilled his desire. The villagers built a church in a short period of time and embraced Christianity. They prevailed on him to become their presbyter, and he agreed. He took charge of them for three years, teaching them the fear of God. Later he chose a presbyter for them and returned to his own monastery. When the reputation of his virtues spread, he was made a bishop for Harran, which was drunk with the wine of idolatry and deception. As a good shepherd, he labored in his field with determination, educating the villagers and directing them to the true path. Mar Abraham was so abstemious that he never touched bread once he became a priest, but restricted his meals to mere legumes. He spent the night hours in worship and prostrating himself in prayer, catching some sleep only while sitting in a chair. He was compassionate toward the poor and strangers, taking care of their needs. He also took care of the needs of the natives of his city, asking them to live in peace and shun malice. They responded to his counsel. When his fame spread far away, the believing Emperor Theodosius the Young invited him to the capital (Constantinople). At the capital the emperor received him with great honor. He even kissed his worn garment and wiped his eyes with it for a blessing. His prominent men knelt down to kiss Abraham’s knees, realizing that the saints of God exude the scent of piety in this life and the life to come. Mar Abraham passed away in Constantinople. The emperor and his wife Eudoxia, men of his state, and soldiers walked in his funeral. He transported his body to Harran, where it was received with great honor by the natives of the cities through which it passed, especially great Antioch. When the procession reached the River Euphrates, a great crowd rushed to grab a piece of his garment in order to receive the blessing of his body, although the soldiers surrounded his coffin. The voices of chanters mingled with those of the lamenters. Finally the procession reached Harran, where he was buried. This saint performed many miracles after his death. He served the priesthood for nineteen years. Most likely he passed away shortly before the Council of Ephesus convened in 341. However, God knows best. 6) Daniel I, bishop of Harran (449). Daniel was the nephew (son of the sister) of Hiba (Ibas), metropolitan of Edessa. He was ordained by his uncle a bishop for Harran despite being unqualified for the position. He attended the synod convened in Antioch to discuss the case of Athanasius, bishop of al-Bira (modern Birajek). In 444, he attended another synod, also convened in Antioch, to investigate the case of his uncle Hiba. Because Daniel was a man of bad conduct, his clergymen complained against him to the Second Council of Ephesus, convened in 449, and proved that he was corrupt and had embezzled the money of the holy church. First, they submitted his case to Patriarch Domnus of Antioch, who referred it to his bishop and to his uncle (Hiba). They then took the case to the Emperor Theodosius II, who ordered Photius, metropolitan of Tyre, Eustathius, metropolitan of Beirut, and Oron, bishop of Amrin, to handle it. When these bishops tried Daniel and became convinced of his crimes, which he admitted, they postponed removing him from his see because of the hallowed fasting (Lent). Also, they intended to overcome whatever doubts the heathen natives of Harran might have about the case. Meanwhile, however, Daniel resigned his position. When the Second Council of Ephesus learned about his case from these bishops, it condemned him and divested him of the dignity of the episcopate. (The Second Council of Ephesus (Oxford), 104-112.) [The author refers here to the Syriac version of this council. For the English translation, see The Second Synod Of Ephesus, trans. by The Rev. S. G. F. Perry (Dartford, Kent: Orient Press, 1881), 151-165. Tr.] 7) Yuhanna I, bishop of Harran (458). When Daniel I was removed from office, Yuhanna succeeded him as bishop in 449. Yuhanna attended the Council of Chalcedon (451) and signed the letter of the Council of Edessa addressed to Emperor Leo I (457-474) in 458. This is all we know about him [Michael Rabo, 1: 199; Lequien, Oriens Christianus.] 8) Eustratonicus, bishop of Harran. Eustratonicus was steward of the church of Edessa and then became a bishop of Harran. His compassion toward the poor was manifest, especially during the severe famine and plague which afflicted the city. The contemporary Edessan historian Yeshu’ the Stylite, who was copied by the author of the history ascribed to Mar Dionysius Tell Mahre, said in Chapter 1, 268, “In the year 812 of the Greeks/ 500 A.D., the starvation in Edessa and its villages became severe. The plague spread with violence in the months of November and December. Poor people slept in the porches and streets until death overtook them. Bodies were thrown into the streets to await burial by the natives. Nunus, master of the hospital, took care of burying the dead with the help of the brethren. He appointed the priest Mar Totaiel and Eustratonicus as church stewards. Later, the latter became a bishop of Harran. Eustratonicus also built an asylum in the enclosure of the church of Edessa to house the people afflicted by the plague. Every day a great number of bodies were found and buried along with the hospital’s dead patients.” This episode was quoted by Michel Lequien from Assemani’s Bibliothca Orientalis, who placed Totaiel in the year 511 A. D., erromeously calling him Tar’il. The correct name, according to the original Syriac, is the one we have given above. [Rev. J.B. Chabot, ed., The History ascribed to Dionysius Tell Mahre (Paris, 1927), 1 (the number of the volume is not given)]. Here we learn that Eustartinicus most likely became a bishop of Harran in the first decade of the sixth century. 9) Mar Yuhanna II, bishop of Harran (519). Mar Yuhanna II succeeded Eustratonicus. In 518 the Emperor Justin banished him along with other Orthodox bishops whose number Mar Michael Rabo estimated at fifty-five. [Michael Rabo, 2: 261-267] In the next year (519), Mar Yuhanna gained the crown of Confessors. He is commemorated in the calendar of saints on December 2. Saliba Bar Khayrun (1337) called him Iyawannis. [ Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, published by the Polish scholar Peters (Brussels, 1908), 3; Michael Rabo, 2: 174.] 10) The Anonymous Bishop of Harran. The famous historian Mar John of Ephesus relates that when Metropolitan Paul returned to Edessa in 522, the bishop of Harran was already dead. Paul had wanted Asclipes (a presbyter of Edessa) to succeed him, but he double-crossed him and chose someone else in his place. Asclipes rebelled and went to the capital (Constantinople) to complain to the emperor against Paul. He obtained a royal decree to oust Metropolitan Paul from Edessa (because of his adherence to the doctrine formulated by the Council of Chalcedon) and become a metropolitan in his place. The name of this bishop of Harran is still unknown. (Michael Rabo, 2: 174.) 11) Sarjis (Sergius), bishop of Harran (544-578). John of Ephesus mentions that Saint Jacob Baradaeus ordained Sarjis a bishop for Harran. He was the eighth bishop he had ordained in the middle of the sixth century, around 544. Sarjis was a pious and learned man known as Bar Karyo (the short). John of Ephesus called him Antiphor Qronoyo (‘he of joined eyebrows’). Sarjis became a monk at the Monastery of John Bar Aphtonya, where he also studied sciences. He was a disciple and secretary of Mar Jacob Baradaeus. He was mentioned several times in the book of evidences. According to Bar Hebraeus, Sarjis died on July 27, 578, which indicates that he administered the See of Harran for more than thirty years. He was well versed in the Greek language and logic, and considered to be in the vanguard of bishops of his time. He wrote a treatise on the Holy Chrism preserved in the London Library, and church canons which we found in the Book of Canons at Basibrina in Tur Abdin. He also translated the biography of Saint Severus of Antioch, written by John of Aphtonya, from Greek into Syriac. [ John of Ephesus, Life Stories of the Eastern Saints, 2: 241, and his History, 3: 270; Baumstark, 184; Syriac Evidences, 292; The Life-Story of Mar Severus of Antioch, ed. Kugener, 264; Micahel Rabo, 2: 288.) [On Bar Karya see Aphram Basoum, The Scattered Pearls, trans. Matti Moosa (Gorgias Press, 2003), 302. Tr. ] 12) Stephen, bishop of Harran (589). The Anonymous Edessan said in his Chronicle, 1: 214, “At this time (about 589) Emperor Maurice ordered Stephen, bishop of Harran, to persecute the heathens, which he did. Consequently, many heathens turned to Christianity. Those who disobeyed were split by the sword into two parts, and their bodies were hung in the streets of Harran. Stephen also crucified Aphendinus, governor of Harran, who outwardly proclaimed Christianity but inwardly practiced heathenism. Apparently Aphendinus’s secretary, Eujarius, betrayed him and later became the governor of the city. Patriarch Michael Rabo says that Eujarius was an orphan born in Kolonyah in First Armenia, a village of the Province of Nicopolis. In that city he learned the Greek language and became a writer. At Harran he established contact with its governor, Aphendinus. When it became known that Aphendinus was a heathen offering sacrifices to the idols, he was killed and Eujarius was appointed governor in his place. From Eujarius came members of the Edessan family of Beth Oyor.” (Michael Rabo, 2: 388] Most likely Stephen succeeded Bishop Sarjis. 13) Shim’un (Simon) I, bishop of Harran (620). The historian Dionysius [ Most likely Patriarch Dionysius Tell Mahre. Tr. ] says that Shim’un, bishop of Harran, flourished about 620 in the time of Patriarch Mar Athanasius I, known as Gamolo. (4: 5) 14) Daniel II, bishop of Harran (627). Patriarch Mar Mikha’il said that Daniel, bishop of Harran, was among the bishops who paid a visit to Emperor Heraclius in the company of Patriarch Athanasius Gamolo in 627, to discuss unification of the churches. When the emperor did not obtain from them what he wanted, like most of the tyrant emperors, he ordered that they be persecuted. Consequently, the Malkites (followers of the emperor) through his influence usurped our churches in Harran and Edessa. (Michael Rabo, 2: 409-410) 15) Mar Isodore, bishop of Harran. The calendar revised by the distinguished monk Saliba ibn Khayrun (1337), mentions two Bishops of Harran, the Saints Mar Isodore and Mar Dawud, commemorated on February 4. [Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, 147.] We have not found his life-story in the available sources. We conjecture that he lived in the middle of the seventh century, between 627 and 684, and God knows best. As for Mar Dawud, he will be discussed shortly. In the middle of this century, about 37 A.H./657 A.D., ‘Ali Ibn Abi Talib [The Fourth Rightly Guided Caliph, 656-661. Tr.] assaulted the citizens of Harran. The anonymous Edessan said, “When Mu’awiya and ‘Ali quarreled, ‘Ali sent a messenger to the people of Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia) asking them to assist him against his opponent. When ‘Ali reached Saffin on the bank of the Euphrates River, he contacted the inhabitants of Harran, who promised to help him against Mu’awiya. But when Mu’awiya arrived and the battle commenced, the citizens of Harran joined Mu’awiya. Mu’aiwya returned to Damascus and ‘Ali marched against Harran, killing most of its inhabitants by the sword until blood ran through the gate of the city. Therefore, many citizens of Harran joined Mu’awiya’s army when he fought Ali’s two sons. Until today the people of Harran exalt Mu’awiya’s son Yazid, the deadliest enemy of Ali.” [ The Anonymous Edessan, Chronicle, 1: 281] 16) Mar Li’azar (Lazarus), bishop of Harran. We found the commemoration of this saint in an ancient calendar dated 1466 at the village of Banim’im in Tur ‘Abdin on August 3. Most likely, he lived in this century or the next. [Handwritten Records by us] 17) Dumit, bishop of Harran (680-684). The name of Dumit, bishop of Harran, is mentioned among the bishops who opposed the Patriarch Severus II. Later, after four years of controversy, they reconciled with him in 684 through the effort of Yuhanna I, maphryono of Takrit, to whom the patriarch had entrusted the handling of Dumit’s case. Dumit attended the synod convened in Rish ‘Ayna (Ras al-‘Ayn) presided over by Maphriono Yuhanna. We do not know the year of his death. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 428, 440, 444] 18) Iliyya (Elijah), bishop of Harran (700). Iliyya, known as Bar Gufne (son of the Bowl), succeeded Dumit in the see of Harran. He died in the year 700 A.D. In his time was built our Cathedral at Harran in 699. [ The life-story of Mar Shim’un at our Library, and a compendious ancient history which we published in Paris in C.S.C.O., 13.] 19) Mar Shim’un (Simon) II, d-beth Zayte (He of the olives), bishop of Harran (700-734). After Iliyya, the see of Harran was occupied by Mar Shim’un d-beth Zayte, a remarkable father of his time in virtue, zeal and holiness. His biography was written by his countryman Ayyub (Job) of Habsnas. It consists of many sheets, from which we produced the following pericope: Mar Shim’un was born in the village of Habsnas in Tur ‘Abdin around the year 655. His father’s name was Mundhir. [Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, 154.] At the age of ten, he studied the Syriac language and the Holy Scriptures under a teacher of his village. His father sent him to the school of the famous Monastery of Qartmin in Tur Abdin, where he finished his studies in five years due to his exceptional intelligence. He became a leader of the church choir. Inclined as he was to the ascetic life, he devoted himself to worship and spiritual solitude on a stylite in the vicinity of the ancient town of Sarwan. At that time army commanders attacked Tur ‘Abdin and took some of its residents captive. Among them was Dawud (David), a noble youth and nephew of Mar Shim’un. Because he was high-born, a commander took him into his service and chose him as a companion on his hunting expeditions. One day as they were hunting, Dawud, while chasing a prey, stumbled upon an ancient treasure. He kept it secret from the commander, but later revealed it to his uncle Mar Shim’un. When the commander relieved him of service, Dawud joined his uncle and learned from him the way of asceticism. From time to time he gave his uncle some of the money from the treasure, which his saintly uncle spent for the poor, the homeless, orphans and widows. With this money Shim’un bought orchards, a watermill, houses and shops which he bequeathed as an endowment to the Monastery of Qartmin. He renovated the buildings of the monastery which had been ruined by the Persians. He also bought for the monastery a farm with springs and planted on it two thousand olive trees, whose yield of oil was donated to light the candles of the churches and monasteries of Tur ‘Abdin. For this reason, he was nicknamed Mar Shim’un d-beth Zayte (Mar Shim’un of the Olives, Arabic al-Zaytuni). Mar Shim’un appealed to the governor of Nisibin to purchase some ruins of the city. Having won his favor, Mar Shim’un built a monastery in the name of Saint Phabronya, who was martyred at Nisbin, and allotted it to nuns. [Phabroinya was martyred around the year 204. Jacob of Nosibin built a magnificent church in Nisibin and moved to it some of her relics. See Addai Scher, Tarikh Chaldo wa athur, 2: 58.] Next to this monastery he built a big hostel for strangers and merchants, and bequeathed to it five mills as an endowment. He also built a church in the name of the Virgin. He went on to renovate the Monasteries of Mar Dumit and Mar Elisha, and supplied them with shops, houses and public baths as an endowment. He wrote a covenant for them, confirmed by Patriarch Julian III, stating that their excess revenues should revert to the Monastery of Qartmin. In the year 700 the bishop of Harran passed away. The diocese needed a learned bishop well versed in the art of controversy to be its bishop, because the Umayyad jurist Muhammad ibn Marwan, governor of the Jazira, Armenia and Azerbayjan, had founded a school in Harran. Mar Shim’un was chosen to head the diocese of Harran. He was ordained a bishop on Pentecost, June 1 by the laying on of hands of Patriarch Julian III. The congregation of Harran and the monks of Edessa were delighted with his ordination because of his zeal and fame. Mar Shim’un guided many of the Mandeans, Sabeans and Jews of Harran to Christianity. Moreover, God granted him the gift of performing miracles. Mar Shim’un administered his diocese for thirty-four years, during which he visited his monastery four times. In the course of his third visit, he went to Habsnas, his place of birth, and built the Monastery of Mar Li’azar and a stylite for hermit monks. We saw the monastery and the stylite in its yard in 1911. He also established a school at Habsnas which graduated many excellent students, teachers and commentators. In the year 707, he built at Nisibin a church in the name of the martyr St. Theodorus with money received from the Monastery of Qartmin. But the antagonistic Nestorians and Jews demolished at night whatever he built in the daytime. This forced him to rebuild the church three times. He sought the help of Jarjis, son of Li’azar of Anhil, governor of Tur ‘Abdin, who supplied him with laborers. When the building of the church was completed, Shim’un participated with Patriarch Julian III in its consecration. In 726, Mar Shim’un attended the conference of Manazgird (Manzikert) to discuss the unification of the Syrian and Armenian Churches. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 1: 459]. An example of his accomplishments was his concern for the transcription of Holy Scriptures according to the Septuagint and the Pshitto version, as well as about eighty volumes of invaluable books. He employed competent copyists known for their excellent penmanship and linguistic adjustment ability, like Daniel of Kandarib and others. He donated these books to his monastery, together with the properties he had bought with the money that he had saved or collected from his diocese. Thus the monastery came to own a magnificent treasure due to his own effort and the care of his nephew Dawud. Furthermore, Mar Shim’un donated precious gifts to the churches of Tur ‘Abdin. After spending the last months of his life at his monastery, God translated him to his eternal abode on Thursday, June 3, 734. Twelve bishops from the neighboring countries and a great crowd of six thousand clerics attended his funeral. He was buried in the mausoleum of the saints. Miracles were depicted on his tomb. The church commemorates him on June 3 and January 3. [See a copy of his life-story, mentioned above, and Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, 1510; Chronica Minora, ed. Brooks, 235, and Pseudo-Tell Mahre, 4: 15. ] His name was inserted in the Book of Life of Zaz in Tur ‘Abdin. Mar Shim’un wrote controversial treatises against heretics supported by rational and traditional evidence. They include a treatise he addressed to Constantine, the Malkite (Chalcedonian) bishop of Harran.. It was mentioned by Patriarch Iliyya (Elijah) I in his letter to Leo, successor of Constantine, in which he called Shim’un a saint [ William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 161, and by the same author, Catalogue, 607, col. 2). Tr.] while he was still alive. Quoting Assemani, Anton Baumstark and Rubens Duval stated that Patriarch Iyawannis I (739-755) was a bishop of Harran. More correctly, he was a bishop of Hawran (Bosra), as mentioned in the Chronicles of Michael Rabo and Bar Hebraeus. According to historical context, the See of Harran was occupied by the Bishop Mar Tuma (Thomas), who died in 738. 20) Mar Tuma (Thomas, 734-738) . Upon his death, Mar Shim’un d-beth Zayte was succeeded by his disciple Mar Tuma. Tuma was ordained a bishop by Athanasius III, patriarch of Antioch, in 734. In 736, he attended the synod convened at the Monastery of Arbin. He died in 783 and was commemorated on July 5. He was considered a righteous and saintly man. His name was recorded in the Book of Life. [Our published Compendious History, 17; Chronica Minora, 226; Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, 156; and the Book of Life of Zaz.] 21) Theomrica (Theomrice), bishop of Harran (752). According to Michael Rabo, Theomrica, bishop of Harran, attended the Synod of Talla in 752. He was one of the bishops who joined Athanasius Sandloio (the cobbler), metropolitan of the Jazira, who opposed the Patriarch Iyawannis I but reconciled with him at the end of his life. (Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 468, 470.) 22) Ishaq, bishop of Harran (753). Ishaq was from the Monastery of Qartmin. Gripped by greed, he indulged in alchemy, and through it he cajoled Athanasius Sandloio, the rebellious metropolitan of the Jazira, to ordain him a bishop for Harran in 752 without the patriarch’s or the bishops’ consent. In 755, he tried to usurp the patriarchate but failed and ended up in calamity. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 471; Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 1: 313-317; and Chronica Minora, 43.] 23) Dionysius I, bishop of Harran (758-762). Dionysius came from the Monastery of Qartmin and became a bishop of Harran in 758. He sided with the intruding Patriarch Yuhanna al-Raqqi (of Callinicus) and attended his consecration. He journeyed to Baghdad by order of the caliph because of the troubles within the church. He died in that city in 761. According to the history ascribed to Patriarch Tell Mahre, Dionysius died in 786. More correct, however, is what we have just said. [Pseudo-Tell Mahre, 4: 66, 68, 107; Chronica Minora, ed. Brooks, 136-137.] 24) Dionysius II, bishop of Harran. Dionysisu II was a steward of the Monastery of Zuqnin in the neighborhood of Amid. According to Dionysius Tell Mahre, he was ordained a bishop of Harran by Patriarch Gewargi I in 762. Tell Mahre said, “In this year (762) Dionysius, bishop of Harran, died, and he was succeeded by another Dionysius from the Monastery of Zuqnin.” The Book of Life, 4: 103 and 107, mentions that Dionysius II was commemorated on December 21. In his time there appeared a charlatan deacon named Marutha, who was imprisoned by the intruding Patriarch in Harran around 770. (Pseudo-Tell Mahre, 4: 138-146) 25) Iyawannis I, bishop of Harran (779-805). Iyawannis succeeded Dionysius II. We found his name in the collection of correspondence by the erudite Rabban Dawud Bar Phaulos (Paul), who flourished in 799. Bar Phaulos wrote two letters to Phocas, chief priest of Harran. In one of them, he inquired about the safety of Bishop Iyawannis. He also wrote a letter to the same bishop, saying, “To the city of Harran afflicted by the sores of heathenism, and still suffering from the ancient thorns of error, tares of heresies, and hypocrisy. A city called in days of old the city of idols, but now, because of you, it is called the city of Abraham. A city which grew old with idols but now looks young by preaching Christ. A city which took off the dress of Satan and put on the dress of righteousness. A city where apostolic seedlings flourished, and waters of life overflowed and brought forth lovely trees and sweet-smelling flowers. As tares of the enemy keep growing among the wheat, the Lord sent a skillful physician like yourself to produce balms and treat sick bodies so that they might receive utmost recovery by the knowledge of the Holy Trinity.” [Za’faran Library and our Library.] Iyawannis was ordained by Patriarch Gewargi I. He attended the synod convened in Harran on August 15, 793 to elect Quryaqos a Patriarch of Antioch. Also, he attended another synod convened by Patriarch Quryaqos in 798 to discuss unity with Gabriel, patriarch of the Phantasiasts. Along with Gabriel, he mentioned Yusuf, bishop of Harran. (British Museum Library) Most likely, Iyawannis lived up to the middle of the first decade of the following (ninth) century. The learned Patriarch Michael Rabo of Antioch preserved for us the names of sixteen bishops of Harran from the year 805 to 1187. He (may God reward him) spared us the trouble of searching for these bishops. From his significant Chronicle we derived our information about these bishops. They are as follows: 26) Gewargi or Jirjis I. Gewargi, or Jirjis I, succeeded Iyawanis as bishop of Harran. Ordained by Patriarch Quryaqos, he was the 68th bishop the patriarch had ordained since 805. But Gewargi resigned his office and served only for a short period. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 754.] 27) Mar Gewargi or Jirjis II (816-850). Upon the resignation of Gewargi I, Patriarch Quryaqos ordained in his place another bishop named Jirjis, who was the 81st bishop the patriarch ordained, in the year 816. In 818, Gewargi attended the synod of al-Raqqa (Callinicus), which elected Patriarch Dionysius I and issued twelve canons. He served as a bishop for thirty-four years. According to the Calendar of Saliba ibn Khayrun, Gewargi, bishop of Harran, is commemorated on February 20. But this is uncertain. Either he is the one mentioned in this calendar, or it is his predecessor. [Michael Rabo, Ibid., 2: 574; Canons of Basibrina, a copy of which is at our Library; Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, 184; and the Book of Life of Zaz.] When the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Amin (809-813) was killed and his brother al-Ma’mun (813-833) became caliph, the two rebels, Nasr and ‘Umar, attacked the Jazira and al-Ruha (Edessa), pillaging, killing and committing all sorts of abominations. In 812, they turned to Harran and set fire to the villages, churches and monasteries. Paganism returned to Harran after it had been eliminated in the time of the Christian emperors and the Arabs. The reason was that the governor of Harran, Ibrahim the Qurashite, was bribed by the Sabeans who were hiding in Harran, the nest of paganism, and allowed them to practice their unsound rituals overtly. Around 819, the governor ordered the destruction of the sanctuary of our cathedral in Harran, the Church of the Virgin in Quba, and a section of the Church of Mar Jirjis. He also had other churches and temples belonging to the Malkite Rum, Nestorians and Jews demolished. On the next day he ordered them rebuilt; thus, they were restored in a short time In the year 830, the Caliph al-Ma’mun came to Harran and forbade the destruction of two churches. He also ordered that no church should be demolished in any location without his order. After his death he was succeeded by his brother al-Mu’tasim. Obtaining an order from the new caliph, the Muslims of Harran waged war against the native Christians. They destroyed the Church of Mar Jirjis in Quba and the Church of Mar Ahodemeh, claiming that they had recently been built. This happened on the eve of Easter, 853. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 491-492.] Thus the word of the Prophet in Amos 8: 10, “He (the Lord) will turn your religious feasts into mourning,” was fulfilled in this context. On April 10, 844, God sent heavy rain, the like of which the elders of the city had never seen before. It swept huge rocks, and the valleys were inundated with water like lakes. Torrential streams gushed from the Mountains of Hasme and Yetheb Risha, causing the city of Harran inestimable damage. The torrential rains formed a big river which destroyed the villages. They reached Beth Quba and inundated the houses, inns, and shops, and swept people who drowned. If it had not been for the governor, who urged the people to built a huge dam, the whole city would have been destroyed. Finally, torrential waters reached al-Raqqa (Callinicus) and ended up in the River Euphrates. These, then, are the events which happened in Harran and were recorded by Dionysius Tell Mahre as quoted by Mikha’il Rabo. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 497, 507, 529, 538.] 28) Mar Dawud (David) of Manim’im, bishop of Harran (855-880) . Dawud ascended the See of Harran after Gewargi (Jirjis) II. He was well known as Dawud of Manim’im, after the name of his native village in Tur ‘Abdin. He was a relative of Mar Shim’un d-beth Zayte. He became a monk at the Monastery of Qartmin and was ordained a bishop by the Patriarch Yuhanna IV, being the 26th bishop the patriach had ordained. Bishop Dawud, one of the best Fathers, lived between 855 and 880. In the Calendar (of Saliba ibn Khayrun), his commemoration is mentioned on February 4. He bequeathed his books and other precious items to his monastery (of Qartmin). They included a collection of canons copied on vellum by his nephew (son of his sister) Sawera (Severus) of Manim’im. We came upon this precious volume in 1909 at the village of Basibrina. Unfortunately, it perished in World War I [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 765; the life-story of Mar Shim’un d-beth Zayte; MSS of Tur ‘Abdin by the author (Patriarch Aphram Barsoum); Saliba Bar Khayrun, Calendar, 147.]In his lifetime, Dawud became an intruding bishop over Harran, but his leadership did not last. Bar Hebraeus says that in the year 858, Maphryono Basilius II quarreled with Patriarch Yuhanna IV. The Syrians of Takrit, who lived within the districts under the jurisdiction of the patriarch, supported the maphryono and stopped mentioning the name of the patriarch in the Eucharistic service. Maphryono Basilius II ordained bishops for Harran, al-Raqq, and Rish ‘Ayna (Ras al-‘Ayn), and suspended the bishops appointed by the patriarch, including our Dawud. Upon the death of Maphryono Basilius, the fathers of the church met at Kafartut in 869 and issued eight canons for both the patriarch and the maphryono. They pardoned Basilius and his companions and assigned dioceses to the bishops whom he had ordained for Harran, al-Raqqa and Rish ‘Ayna. (Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 3: no page is given.) 29) Constantine, bishop of Harran. Upon Dawud’s death, Constantine replaced him as bishop of Harran. Constantine was a monk from the Monastery of Qartmin. He was the sixteenth bishop ordained by Patriarch Ignatius II. He was ordained a bishop around 811. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 757.] 30) Yuhanna III, bishop of Harran. Yuhanna was a monk at the Monastery of Sawera (Severus). Patriarch Dionysius II selected him and ordained him a bishop for Harran, probably in the year 900. He was the eighth bishop ordained by the patriarch. We read his name in the British Museum Syriac MS 808, dated March 10, 913. This MS contains the life-stories of Eugris (Evagrius) and other ascetics. It was copied by the priest Hasan, son of Tuma of the village of Tashb Shonitha in the province of Harran, on March 10, 1224 of the Greeks/ 913 A.D., in the time of Mar Yuhanna, Patriarch of Antioch, Mar Gabriel, patriarch of Alexandria (Egypt), and Mar Yuhanna, bishop of Harran. The MS was donated to the church by the deacon-monk Ishaq, son of Marun the stylite, from the village of Beth Sufana. Ishaq worshiped on the pillar of Beth Tubana in the village of Benisifi, in the province of Harran. [ Michael Rabo, Chronicle , 2: 757, and William Wright, British Museum Manuscripts, 815.] At this time, Denha III, of the clergy of the Church of Mar Tuma in Harran, was ordained a Maphryono of Takrit and the East in 910. He passed away in 932. As for Yuhanna, bishop of Harran, he most likely served the episcopate for about twenty years, from 900 to 920. But God knows best. [According to a MS of Canons in our Library copied in 1200.] 31) Ignatius I, bishop of Harran (920). Ignatius was the thirty-fifth bishop ordained by Patriarch Yuhanna V. He came from the Monastery of the Sour Citadel (Syriac ‘Hesno Hmuso’) and succeeded Yuhanna III [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 757; William Wright, British Museum Manuscripts, 815.] 32) Philixene, bishop of Harran. Philixene was from the Monastery of Nawawis (Tombs) in Edessa. He was ordained a bishop for Harran by Patriarch Yuhanna VI. He was the thirty-fourth bishop ordained by the patriarch. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 757, and Wright, 815.] 33) Timothy I, bishop of Harran (962). Timothy succeeded Philixene in 962. He was ordained by Patriarch Ibrahim I at the Monastery of Tar’il, a Syriac compound name meaning the Door of God. He was the fifth bishop ordained by the patriarch. [MS of Canons at our Library, copied in 1200; Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 758-761] 34) Theodosius, bishop of Harran (984). Theodosius became a monk at the Monastery of Beth Batin in the neighborhood of Harran. He was invited by Patriarch Yuhanna VII, who ordained him a bishop for Harran to succeed Timothy I. He was the twenty-third bishop ordained by the patriarch. He died in 984. 35) Peter, bishop of Harran (984-1028). When the see of Harran became vacant with the death of Theodosius, Patriarch Yuhanna VII selected the monk Peter from the Great Monastery and ordained him a bishop at Mar’ash (Germanicia) around 984. He was the forty-fourth bishop ordained by the patriarch. In 985, the patriarch passed away, and on July 6, 1004, Peter presided over the synod convened at the Monastery of the Virgin in Gudfi.and consecrated Patriarch Yuhann VIII, well known as Bar ‘Abdun. Peter lived until 1028, having served the episcopate for forty-four years. This is supported by the ordination of his successor around 1028. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 761-762.] 36) Basilius I, bishop of Harran (1028-1063). Basilius came from the Monastery of Qartmin and was ordained a bishop for Harran in 1028 by Patriarch Yuhanna VIII. He was the fortieth bishop ordained by the patriarch. In 1049, he attended the synod of Farzman to elect Patriarch Yuhanna IX. In 1058, Basilius acted as ordainer of Patriarch Athanasius V. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 761-762] He served the episcopate for more than thirty years. In his time, that is the year 1031, the Malkite historian Yahya ibn Sa’id al-Antaki said, “The Banu Numayr captured all the fortresses of the Jazira. Each one of them fell into the hands of an amir. Some of their notables, using the city’s young men, overpowered its citizens and wronged them. Because they pillaged the city most of its citizens fled. Also, the Banu Numayr captured the only existing Sabeans’ Temple of the Moon and converted it into a stable. Many Sabeans of Harran became Muslims for fear of the Banu Numayr.” [Sa’id ibn Batriq al-Antaki, History, 2: 265.] 37) Timothy II, bishop of Harran (1064-1088). Tmothy was a clergyman of Edessa. In 1064, he was chosen to be a bishop and was ordained by Patriarch Mar Yuhanna X, being known as Bar Shushan. He was the third bishop ordained by the patriarch. Bar Shushan lived for a short time in Harran, where he ordained Athanasius a bishop for Semando and Ignatius of Harran a metropolitan for al-Raqqa. Timothy spent more than twenty years in the episcopate and, most likely, died in 1088. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 761] 38) Basilius II, bishop of Harran (1088-1120). Basilius II became a monk at the Monastery of Shamnuk. In 1088, Patriarch Dionysius VI ordained him a bishop for Harran. He was the third bishop ordained by the patriarch. He served the episcopate more than thirty years. An event which took place in his time was as follows. In 1103 Sharaf al-Dawla came to Harran, wrested it from the hands of the judge who ruled it, and killed him. Meanwhile, the Ifranj Crusaders had arrived in Harran and had been well received by the citizens of the city, who handed them its keys. But Baldwin, lord of Edessa, refused to receive them. So the Crusaders did not enter the city. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 765] 39) Ignatius II, bishop of Harran (1120-1150?) . Ignatius was first attached to the office of the Patriarch Athanasius VI, known as Abu al-Faraj, who ordained him a bishop for Harran in 1120. His name is mentioned under No. 48 of the bishops ordained by the patriarch. Like his predecessors, he served his office for a long time. He probably died in 1150. In 1133, Belek wrested Harran, Aleppo, and Tall Bashir (Turbessel) from the hands of the Muslim Arabs. When Edessa was destroyed in 1146, the Muslims of Harran and the enemies of Edessa rushed to it. They started digging up the churches and the houses of notables, saying, “Ha ha! Our eyes have seen the destruction of Edessa.” [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 765] 40) Timothy III, bishop of Harran (1150-1174?). Trained at the Monastery of ‘Azrun, Timothy III was ordained a bishop at the monastery of Sarjisiyya by Patriach Athanasius VII around 1150. He was the twenty-seventh bishop ordained by the patriarch. He attended the synod that met at the Monastery of Mar Barsoum to elect Michael Rabo as patriarch in 1166. It is thought that he died in 1174 because Iyawannis Denha, the rebellious metropolitan of al-Raqq, tried in that year to add the dioceses of Harran, Sarug and Khabura to his jurisdiction but failed. [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 708, 766, 767] 41) Ignatius III, bishop of Harran (1184-1186). Ignatius was ordained a bishop by Patriarch Michael Rabo in 1184. He was the thirty-fifth bishop ordained by the patriarch. Shortly afterwards, the patriarch transferred him to Damascus. Because of persecution, he became a Muslim and fled to Egypt. Michael Rabo says, “When Saladin captured Jerusalem in 1187, the Christians of Damascus were subjected to insults, ridicule and humiliation which defy description.” [Michael Rabo, Chronicle, 2: 767, 724] Michael Rabo, who died in 1199, did not ordain another bishop for this diocese. He probably entrusted it to a bishop from the neighboring dioceses because of its weakness. 42) Iyawannis II Ya’qub, metropolitan of Harran (1222-1231) and its Dependencies. Iyawannis became a monk at the Monastery of Mar Hananya ( Za’faran Monastery) in Mardin. He was known as Bar Shakka. In 1222, he was mentioned as the metropolitan of Harran, Khabura, Nisibin and the Jazira. He drew up an anaphora identified by his name. It begins, “O Lord, the Almighty and Eternal.” In 1231, Patriarch Ignatius III detached Khabura from Ignatius’s diocese and entrusted it to Basilius, metropolitan of Miyafarqin. Ignatius was one of the bishops who signed Basilius’s systaticon (Letter of Election). He was proficient in the Syriac language, as is shown by his anaphora. We have no idea when he died. [See Aphram Barsoum, Nuzhat al-Adhhan fi Tarikh Dayr al-Za’fasran (Excursion of the Minds in the History of the Z’faran Monastery, 120, 126] 43) Ephraim, bishop of Harran (1252). Ephraim was ordained a bishop of Harran by Patriarch Ignatius III. According to Bar Hebreaus, Ephraim was mentioned in the year 1252 when he and his congregation refused to provide an altar in any church to be used by the Armenians who had moved to Harran. [Bar Hebraeus, Ecclesiastical History, 1: 687.] To the best of our knowledge, Ephraim was the last bishop of that city. In his Nahr al-Dhahab fi Tarikh Halab (The River of Gold in Relating the History of Aleppo), Kamil al-Ghazzi says that Harran was still populated in 1395. It was ruined by Tamerlane (1336-1405), who forced its inhabitants to leave. Al-Ghazzi gives a sketch of the belief of the Sabeans based on the history of Ibn al-Wardi (d. 1348), which indicates that the Sabeans were still living in his time. Al-Ghazzi said that, at present, Harran is a small village, the majority of whose inhabitants are Muslims. [Kamil al-Ghazzi, Nahr al-Dhahab fi Tarikh Halab, 1: 559.] This is the utmost information we were able to obtain about the bishops of the city of Harran. We should add that sometimes Harran was an episcopal see of the Chaldean Nestorians. One of its bishops was Shallita, who built a monastery in its mountain in the first half of the seventh century. [See Addai Scher, Tarikh Chaldo was Athur, 261, who follows Yeshu’ Dnah, Kitab al-Iffa (The Book of Abstinence), 25.) At the beginning of the fourteenth century, the learned Muslim Imam Ahmad ibn Taymiyya (d.1327) flourished in Harran.] The Prominent Syrian Philosopher Mar Yaqub (Jacob) of Edessa (633-708) Jacob of Edessa was a distinguished Syrian man of letters and philosopher who penned magnificent books on theology, history, philology, philosophy and diverse sciences in the second half of the seventh century, when Syriac literature reached a golden age. He was so prolific and had such mastery of sciences that it was said that he was matchless in both East and West This genius was most likely born around 633 A.D. His father, Ishaq, was a native of the village of ‘Ayndaba [‘Wolf’s Fountain, or Eye’] in the province of Gomya of the diocese of Antioch. Jacob was raised in this village and studied preliminary sciences and the Holy Scriptures under Quryaqos, the village’s elder. Quryaqos, being a virtuous man, influenced his pupil Jacob with his character. Thus, Jacob grew up to be as noble as his master. Jacob attended the Monastery of John Bar Aphtonya [This famous monastery, founded by John of Aphtonya (d. 539), was situated on the left bank of the Euphrates river opposite Jarablus. A center for the study of philosophy, theology, and Syriac and Greek languages for more than five centuries, it produced a group of remarkable men. Located at Qinneshrin (Syriac for ‘Eagles’ Nest’] , it was known as the Monastery of Qinneshrin in the time of Severus Sabukht [ Sabukht was metropolitan of the Monastery of Qinneshrin shortly before the Arabs’ conquest. He devoted himself to the study of philosophy, mathematics and theology. He wrote a commentary on Aristotle’s Analytica Posteriora, of which a few sections remain. He also wrote a treatise on syllogism in Aristotle’s Analytica Priora and solved some problems of Aristotle’s Rhetorica. Moreover, he wrote a treatise on the forms of the zodiac and another on the astrolabe. Some of his writings on philosophy were published by Orientalists.], in order to seek the solitary life and further his studies. He assumed the monastic habit, completed his studies of the Holy Scriptures, and mastered the principles of the Greek language. He then journeyed to Alexandria [The Orientalist Merx maintains that Jacob’s journey to Alexandria to study is evidence vindicating the Arabs in the burning of the Library of Alexandria. See Merx, Historia Artis Grammaticae apud Syros, in Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, ix, 35. The full title of this work and the periodical in which it was published are furnished by the translator.] We have no idea how long he stayed in Alexandria. What we know is that he went to Alexandria when learning in it was confined to Neo-Platonism. We are inclined to believe that he studied at its famous school, mother of all the schools in the East. At this school were taught medicine, geometry, astronomy, natural sciences and mathematics. Its students were proud that they were graduates of this school, as some students in our time are proud to be graduates of Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and Berlin. At about this time, however, learning in it began to decline.] to further his studies. In that city he mastered the Hebrew language as well as philosophy and sciences and then repaired to Syria, where he retired to a life of seclusion in Edessa. His seclusion, however, did not last long. His genius could not be kept too long from the natives of Edessa, who discovered his talents. Upon the death of Tiberius, bishop of the city, the citizens unanimously chose Jacob as their bishop. In response to their quest, Patriarch Athanasius of Balad [Athanasius of Balad was Jacob’s schoolmate. He was a native of Balad and studied at the Monastery of Qinneshrin in the time of Severus Sabukht. He devoted his time to the translation of Greek philosophy into Syriac. He became a patriarch in 684 and died in 687. His translations include Porphyry’s Isagoge and another book of philosophy, as well as the works of Severus of Antioch and Gregory Nazianzen. He wrote a treatise on the Christians’ interrelations with the Muslims.], his childhood friend and schoolmate, ordained him a bishop for Edessa in 684 A.D., the same year Athansius became a patriarch. As bishop, Jacob tried unsuccessfully to restore order to the monasteries of his diocese. He faced great opposition from the monks, who were supported by Patriarch Julian, who had succeeded Athanasius in the patriarchate. Four years after he became a bishop, the monks, whom he had either suspended from service or cut off from the church for violating church canons, rebelled against him. When he could no longer endure their antagonism, he resigned his position and handed it to Patriarch Julian [ Julian was also called the Rumoyo, because in his younger days he had served with his father in the Byzantine imperial army. See William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 142, n. 2. Tr. ], who, with other bishops, thought that Jacob should be more tolerant because of their circumstances. He journeyed to the monastery where the patriarch and the bishop had assembled. Right at its door he burned a copy of the church rules, saying,” I burn with fire as superfluous and useless the canons which you trample under foot and heed not.” [See William Wright, 142. Tr.] Jacob retired to the Monastery of Mar Jacob in Keshum (Kesum) (a town near Samosata} with his pupils Constantine and Daniel. He wrote two treatises. In the first, he rebuked the shepherds of the church for their blatant failure to observe the canons; in the second, he censured those who had violated those canons. He resided in Edessa for four years and was succeeded by the meek Bishop Habib. Since his ordination was in 684, his departure from Edessa must have been in 688. While he was at the Monastery of Mar Jacob in Keshum, Jacob of Edessa was invited by the monks of the Monastery of Eusebuna to teach Greek. He accepted the invitation and went to the monastery, where he remained for eleven years, teaching the Psalms and commenting on the Holy Scriptures according to the Greek text. At this monastery, Jacob revived the teaching of the Greek language, which had almost died from negligence. But he found no peace at that monastery. The monks, who hated Greek, antagonized him. He left the monastery with seven pupils and went to the great Monastery of Tell’ada, where he worked for nine years on his revised version of the Old Testament. Meanwhile, Bishop Habib had died and the congregation of Edessa requested Patriarch Julian to send them Jacob of Edessa, which he did. Jacob returned to Edessa but remained only for four months, after which he returned to the Monastery of Tell’ada to bring back his books and pupils. He died suddenly on June 5, 708, and was buried at this monastery. Jacob of Edessa was unquestionably a prominent theologian, philosopher, historian, translator, grammarian, philologist and poet. He mastered the Syriac, Greek and Hebrew languages. He had a great knowledge of the Greeks’ writings. He was the Syriac writer most influenced by Greek writings, a man of letters who followed the method developed by his master Severus Sabukht in the translation of philosophy. In addition to refining Syriac studies and dialectical commentary on the Holy Scriptures, Jacob wrote an important history superior to that of the famous Eusebius. Moreover, he set the rules of Syriac grammar, purged the Syriac language of foreign terms, and restored its former purity. For this reason, the classical Syriac language came to be known as Edessan Syriac. [In his Mukhtasar al-Duwal, 18, Bar Hebraeus said, “The Syriac language is classified into three forms. The most classical of them is the Aramaic, which is the language of Edessa, Harran, and outer al-Sham (Syria). The second is the language of Palestine, the language of Damascus, the Mountain of Lebanon, and the rest of inner Syria.The third and ugliest is the Chaldean Nabatean language of the Mountains of Athur (northern Iraq) and the rest of that country.”] Because of his multi-faceted knowledge and discipline, Jacob was regarded as an encyclopedia in his time. The Orientalists who wrote about Syriac literature, like Anton Baumstark, Rubens Duval, William Wright and Theodor Nöldeke, are unanimous in maintaining that Jacob of Edessa was the most famous Syriac writer who flourished in the age known in the history of Syriac literature as the Arab Age. In this age the Syriac mind ripened and found avenue for reasoning and research; it was the Golden Age of Syriac literature. In this age, the humanities were promoted by the graduates of the Schools of Edessa and Nisibin. The fame of Jacob of Edessa, which made him the greatest writer, is predicated on three premises. The first was his extreme concern for the Bible. Like the rest of the Syriac theologians, he lent great importance to the Old Testament. The second was the numerous letters he addressed to distinguished contemporaries. William Wright says that Jacob of Edessa “was an indefatigable correspondent of many students who sought his advice and assistance from far and near.” [William Wright, 143. Tr.] The third and most important of all was his great concern for the Syriac language. As has already been said, Jacob of Edessa flourished in the second half of the seventh century, a time when the Arabs were conquering and Arabizing the countries, with the result that their language began to rival Syriac and replace it. Threatened by the Arabic language, Syriac needed rules and regulations for its preservation. Up to this time, the Syrians, as Rev Gabriel Cardahi stated in the introduction of his book al-Manahij (programs, curricula) [See Cardahi, al-Manahij, p. 9 of the Introduction] had received their language by tradition. But when the Arab conquest prevailed and it began quickly to affect the conquered countries, Syrian learned men perceived that their language was becoming corrupted owing to the mingling of Syrians with foreigners. Jacob rose to the challenge by fixing rules and regulations for the Syriac language in his Grammar,, which according to Iliyya (Elijah), bishop of Nisibin,was the first of its kind in this discipline. [He called his grammar Torus Mamlo Sorioyo (An Emendation of the Syriac Language).] He was described as the leading authority in this field. [Several Syriac writers like Yusuf Hozoyo (580), Ahodemeh (559), and Hannan Yeshu’ (650) had preceded Jacob of Edessa in composing Syriac grammars . But their grammars gained no popularity among the Syrians. Most of them were lost, except for fragments mentioned by learned men. To the contrary, the Grammar of Jacob of Edessa surpassed them all by being used in the teaching circles. It became so popular among the Syrians that they considered it the first grammar to be written, and its author the first Syriac grammarian. [Cardahi, 9.]. Jacob’s position in the Syriac language was like that of Abu al-Aswad al-Du’ali (d. 688), who set the rules of Arabic grammar. If what al-Zayyat said in his book al-Adab al-Arabi (Arabic Literature) is true [Al-Zayyat said, “We think that Abu al-Aswad did not formulate grammar and diacritical points on his own; as we think, he had knowledge of the Syriac language, whose grammar had been set before that of the Arabic language, or he had connections with Syriac priests and church notables, which enabled him to write down what he has written.” See al-Zayyat, al-Adab al-Arabi, 141.], that Abu al-Aswad al-Du’ali borrowed the knowledge of grammar from the Syrians, we can then properly say that Jacob of Edessa laid the first stone in the foundation of Arabic grammar. To Jacob is ascribed the use of five diacritical points [A set of vowel signs. TR.] in the Syriac language, in the form of small Greek letters. It is said that his continuous and profound study of philological manuscripts of the Greek language, which he had mastered, inspired him to develop these points instead of the traditional dots used by the Syrians. He did this especially when he realized that the vowel sounds of the Edessan Syriac language could be replaced by Greek vowels, which are far clearer than minute dots. [See William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 152. Tr.] Since then, Western Syrians used these signs for their facility. But the Eastern Syrians (Nestorians and Chaldeans) kept using the dots as diacritical points. [These diacritical marks are an elaborate system of accentuation and interpunctions. They were in the form of dots placed above or beneath the letters to indicate the manner of pronunciation. Jacob of Edessa replaced them with five Greek vowels which are more facile and distinct than the dots. Tr. ] Some writers have erroneously attributed the invention of the Greek vowel symbols to Theophile of Edessa (d. 785). They claim that he drew attention to them in order to establish the correct forms of Greek terms in his translation of the Iliad. [See Jurji Zaydan, Tarikh al-Tamaddun al-Islami (History of Islamic Civilization), 133, and Kitab of al-Itqan fi Sarf Lughat al-Suryan (Perfecting the Morphology of the Syrians’ Language), 20.] But scholars like Weismann, Theodor Nöldeke, William Wright, and others maintained that these vowel symbols belong to Jacob of Esessa. [See N. Weisman, Horae syriacae, 181-188; William Wright, Catalogue, 1168, and A Short History of Syriac Literature, 152, n. 1; and Nöldeke’s article on Syriac literature.] Finally, we have strong evidence that these diacritical marks were developed by Mar Jacob of Edessa. The Syriac British Museum MS 134, dating back to the time of Jacob of Edessa, who died in 708, contains the Greek vowel signs clearly fixed on Syriac terms. Thus, these signs could not have been invented by Theophile of Edessa who died almost eighty years after Jacob. If we realize that the above-mentioned British MS was transcribed in Jacob’s time, we must admit that they were his and no one else’s. Moreover, Jacob wanted to take a further step to reform the Syriac language for which, William Wright says, “his countrymen were not prepared.” [Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 152. Tr.] He tried an experiment similar to that of the Turks who lately adopted the Latin script. [ The Turks adopted the Latin script under Mustafa Kamal (Ataturk) in 1926. Tr.] His continuous study of Greek manuscripts indicated to him that the vowel-sounds were placed side by side with the consonants as part of the alphabet. Realizing the benefit of the simplicity and clarity of these sounds, he intended to introduce them to the Syriac language, which contains only consonants but no vowel sounds. So he developed forms for seven vowel sounds imitating those of the Greek language. [See Bar Hebraeus, Semhe (Lights), a book on grammar in our St Mark’s Library, MS 217.] He indicated the long Syriac letter olaf (A) with a vowel sound, thus adding another vowel sound to the former ones. He introduced these vowel sounds to the alphabet, to be fixed in the same lines with the consonants. However, he introduced the vowels to be used only for certain terms, which he used as examples in composing his grammar. This innovation, however, found no favor and ended with his death. The Syrians continued to use the five vowel sounds mentioned above. [It should be pointed out that the whole account of Jacob’s innovation and introduction of the system of vowel-sounds into the Syriac language is taken from William Wright’s A Short History of Syriac Literature, 151-153. Tr.] It seems that the idea of introducing new letters to the Syriac alphabet had been considered by writers before Jacob of Edessa. This is indicated in Jacob’s letter to Paul of Antioch, who had asked him to reform the defects of the Syriac language. Jacob replied, “Many before me and you have desired to do this task. But the loss of ancient manuscripts which contained these inadequate letters prevented them from undertaking such a project.” Jacob of Edessa had a great impact on Islam. In his book Fajr al-Islam, (The Dawn of Islam), Ahmad Amin says that prominent Christian religious men gave a fatwa (formal juristic opinion) making it legal to educate Muslim children. He saw this as evidence that some Muslims had become devoted to the study of philosophy under Christian religious men after previously having been reluctant to do so. [Ahmad Amin, Fajr al-Islam, 1: 155.]William Wright assigned Jacob of Edessa a position which rivals that of St. Jerome in the Latin world. . [ In the eyes of Christianity, St. Jerome was the link between East and West. He was born in Stridon (Dalmatia) in the year 330 and studied in Rome. He visited the East in 372 and devoted himself to worship in the wilderness situated between Antioch and the Euphrates River, during which he mastered the Hebrew language, which enabled him later to expound the Holy Bible. In 378 Jerome was ordained a priest. Then he traveled to Constantinople, where he studied Greek literature under Gregory Nazianzen. In 382 he sailed to Rome and contacted Pope Damasus. He returned to the East once more and studied hermeneutics under the blind Didymus in Alexandria. In 386 he moved to Palestine and took up the ascetic life in Bethlehem, where he devoted his time to the study of the Holy Scriptures until his death in 420. Jerome translated the Holy Bible from the original Hebrew into Latin; he also translated into Latin the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius and many other works.”] The German Orientalist Anton Baumstark drew an analogy between Jacob and Jerome showing the similarity between the two. He said that both Jacob of Edessa and Jerome preferred to transmit their knowledge in the form of letters. Both knew Hebrew well, which undoubtedly enabled them to work on the Holy Scriptures. Both exerted utmost energy in translation and correction, and both translated the history of Eusebius. In the end, however, Baumstark preferred Jacob of Edessa to Jerome because of the diversity of his philological and philosophical writings. [Barsoum does not identify Baumstark’s work. But it is Anton Baumstark, Geschcichte der syrischen Literatur, 248. See the full statement of Baumstark in this regard in Ignatius Aphram I Barsoum, The Scattered Pearls, 2nd rev. ed., trans. Matti Moosa (Gorgias Press, 2003), 350, n. 5. Tr. ] From his life-story we may deduce that Jacob of Edessa was a man of principles. He never wavered in telling the truth. He feared no censure and was very strict in the enforcement of church canons. We can see in his burning of a copy of the canons his great moral courage, for which he faced vehement antagonism, like many great law-abiding men in every age. Whatever is said about his strict observation of the canons, still we observe that the Syrians of Edessa regretted what they had done to him. Indeed, they recalled him to be their bishop after the death of the aged Bishop Habib. This in itself is a testimony to his great soul and superlative zeal. The German Orientalist Nöldeke says that Jacob was of commendable character, for which he faced opposition. Because of his innovation, especially the invention of the five vowel signs and the introduction of reforms to the Syriac language, already discussed, some writers place him above the great philosopher Bar Hebraeus. They claim that the writings of Bar Hebraeus lacked originality. Jacob of Edessa was a Syrian by doctrine, origin and tongue. But Assemani, in his Bibliotheca Orientalis, tried to make him a Roman Catholic [ i.e., Chalcedonian TR. ] in order to adorn with him an age which had no one his equal, but gave up his attempt in despair. [See Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1: 470 and 2: 337.] Jacob never heeded old customs and traditions except those of the Apostles. This is seen in the numerous legal opinions in his canons. His love for church order is clearly shown in his legal opinion No.95, which forbade the untrained or those with ugly voices to chant or read the Scriptures in the public meetings held in cities and villages, lest they offend the congregation. Jacob realized that only those trained and having sweet voices should chant and read because God is a God of order, and not of confusion. The writings of Jacob of Edessa are many. Some of them are lost to us, others are still preserved in manuscript form, and still others have been published by Orientalists. They are mostly theological, philosophical, historical, linguistic and grammatical. They are classified as written or translated by him. Generally, they lack the eloquence which characterizes the writings of Ishaq (Isaac) of Antioch, Jacob of Sarug, and Philoxenus of Mabug. The author of his biography in the Encyclopedia Britannica, 15 (1911): 114, says, “If we measure Jacob of Edessa by the standard of the knowledge of his time, we find in him the traits of a consummate theologian and learned man in the true scientific sense.” Following are his works: 1) While staying at the Monastery of Tell’ada, Jacob revised in 705 the Syriac version of the Bible called the Pshitto (simple). He divided it into chapters, each prefaced by an introduction He appended to the text many scholia, including some translations from the Greek and Syriac. In some chapters he fixed the correct pronunciation of terms. No complete copy of this revision has come down to us; however, the Bibilotheque Nationale in Paris contains two MSS of the Pentateuch and a number of passages from Daniel. In the British Museum, MSS dated 719 and 720, that is nine years after Jacob’s death, contain Samuel 1 and 2, the beginning of Kings 1 and 2, and Isaiah.2) While staying at the Monastery of Eusebona, Jacob wrote a scholion on the Holy Bible according to the Greek text. To Nöldeke, it is a rational and logical commentary. Portions of it were published by Phillips, Wright, Schroeter and Nestle, according to the British Museum MSS. [The numbers are not given by the patriarch. They are 14, 483 and 17, 183. Tr.] The monk Sawera (Severus) mixed these commentaries with those of St. Ephraim, and they were published in St. Ephraim’s Latin copy. A MS in the Vatican Library contains these commentaries which consist of eight books of the Bible. They include the Pentateuch (the five Books of Moses), Job, Joshua, and Judges. Both Bar Salibi and Bar Hebraeus quoted Jacob’s commentaries. 1) Several tracts on the Scriptures quoted by late Syrian commentators. Portions of them were mentioned by Assemani in his Bibliotheca Orientalis. 4) A collection of legal opinions (canons) in the form of letters addressed to the presbyter Addai. They were published by Paul de Lagarde according to a Paris MS. A critical edition with German translation of the same was published by Kayser (Leipzig, 1886), according to Paris MSS 62 and 111 and three more MSS in the British Museum. In his book Hudoyo (Nomocanon), Bar Hebraeus quoted some of these canons 5) A treatise on the consanguineous degrees of relation which forbid marriage. It is mentioned by Baumstark, Duval and Wright. 6) A Chronicle in which he revised the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, beginning with the 20th year of Constantine the Great and ending with the year 692. Patriarch Michael Rabo (d.1199) made use of this revision. It was also used by Iliyya (Elijah), metropolitan of Nisibin. Of this history only defective fragments remain. They are found in the British Museum’s MS 14685. William Wright says, “The loss of Jacob’s Chronicle is greatly to be regretted.” [Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 147. Tr.] According to Baumstark, another writer extended this Chronicle to the year 710. [See Anton Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 254. Tr.] Nöldeke wished that all of Jacob’s works had been lost except his Chronicle, of which only a few mutilated leaves have survived. According to William Wright, “Jacob’s design was to continue the Chronicle of Eusebius on the same plan.” [Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 148.Tr] Later Syrian historians made use of this Chronicle. 7) A treatise on the The First Cause, the Creator, the Eternal, the Almighty God and the Preserver of all created beings. It was mentioned by George, bishop of the Arab tribes, who continued the book of The Six Days, which is lost to us. Some thought that it is the same Syriac book entitled The Cause of All Causes, whose original title is De Causa omnium Causarum. But when Kayser published this book at Leipzig in 1889 [Kayser published it under the title Das Buch von de Erkenntniss der Wahrheit (Leipzig, 1889). A German translation was published at Strassburg, 1893. See Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 147, n. 4. Tr], it became evident to the learned that its composition post-dated Jacob by a long time. It could not be dated before the eleventh or the twelfth century. The author of this book said about himself that he was a bishop of Edessa. Thirty years after his ordination he shunned the world and sought solitude with two or three ascetics because of what he had suffered from his congregation. Then he wrote a book for the good of mankind. He also said that, like other writers, he had used the six days of creation in the book of Genesis as a base for his accounts of the universe. These accounts contain the heavenly world, the earthly world, and people, animals, plants, and minerals. He was the encyclopedist of the Middle Ages. 8) The Enchiridion (Compendium), a tract on philosophical terms which is the best of his writings. It is preserved in the British Museum MS 21154. Another metrical version contained in two MSS at the Vatican may be of his composition. 9) In his book, A short History of Syriac Literature, William Wright is of the opinion that it is probably correct to ascribe to Jacob of Edessa the treatises contained in Vatican MSS 36 and 95. Sometimes he thought that had Jacob translated Aristotle’s Categories and Logic or Dialectics. Finally, however, he found out that the translator was Sergius of Rish ‘Ayna (Ras al-‘Ayn), because Jacob was only a young boy when the British Museum MS was written. Furthermore, the composition is not that of Jacob of Edessa. As for the commentary on Logic, Hoffman showed that it belongs to another writer. [In his discussion of Sergius Rish ‘Ayna, or as he writes the name RasAin, William Wright says, “In the Vatican MS clviii (Catalog, III, 306, No. vi), this translation of Aristotle’s Categories is wrongly ascribed to Jacob of Edessa, who could hardly been more than a boy at the time when the MS. in the British Museum was transcribed. Besides, the version is not of his style. The Paris MS, Ancien fonds 161, naturally repeats this mistake. [Zotenberg, Catalog, 202; Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 91, n. 2. Tr] 10) Toward the end of his life Jacob wrote The Six Days of Creation. He was probably the first of the Syrians to treat this subject. It was left incomplete but later completed by his friend George, bishop of the Arab tribes. It is divided into seven discourses, beginning with a dialogue between the author and his disciple Constantine. Two copies of this work survive, one in London and the other in Lyons. It was analyzed by L’abbe Martin, who published portions of it in Paris. Hjelt published the third discourse on geography with a Latin translation; Duval says that Jacob’s geography is not an innovation as thought by Martin, but is taken from Ptolemy. 11) A Grammar of the Syriac Language, so consummate that Jacob was considered the leading authroity on Syriac grammar. For a long time it remained the general source in this field in Syria. Bar Hebraeus made use of it in compiling his own grammar, which testifies to Jacob’s profound erudition. Only fragments of it remain at Oxford Library and the Library of the British Museum. 12) A letter to George, bishop of Sarug, on Syriac orthography, in which he discussed how diverse Syriac terms and Greek terms translated into Syriac should be written. The letter is supplemented by a tract divided into five chapters on individuals, genus, times, the signs of interpunction, and accentuation. He emphasized in it the importance of the faithfulness of copyists. It was published by George Phillips in London, 1869, and Martin in Paris in the same year. [See G. Phillips, A Letter by Mar Jacob, Bishop of Edessa, on Orthography (1869), and Martin, Jacobi epi Edesseni Epistola ad Georgium epum Sarugensum de Orhthographia Syriaca (1869); William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature, 151, n.2. Tr] 13) Jacob translated the Cathedral Homilies of Mar Severus of Antioch from the Greek into Syriac, a work he completed in 701. They are preserved in the Vatican MS 141 and British Museum MS 12159, dated 876 A.D. In this MS the homilies, which number 125, are divided into three volumes. [Wright, 149, says this work is of great importance.] 14) Jacob drew up an anaphora, or liturgy, beginning thus: “ O Lord, the Father of all and the Host of Hosts.” It was translated by Renaudot into Latin and published in his Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio, 2 (Paris, 1716): 371. 15) He revised the anaphora of St. James, brother of the Lord, and purged it of the errors of copyists. [A revised version of this anaphora was published with both Greek and Syriac texts by Adolph Rücker under the title, Die Jakobosanaphora, nach der Rezension des Jaqob von Edessa (Münster, 1923).Tr.] He also translated the anaphora of Mar Ignatius the Illuminator 16) The Book of Treasures, containing the order of baptism, the solemnization of matrimony, and the consecration of water in the Epiphany. 17) He translated the Sedros (supplicatory prayers) of Mar Severus of Antioch on baptism. 18) A calendar of feasts for the cycle of the year and the hours of worship during the week. 19) A book on the interpunction and accentuation of the Holy Bible and the works of famous fathers of the church. There are two copies of this work, one at our Monastery of St. Mark MS 41, the other at the Library of the Za’faran Monastery in Mardin MS. [No number is given for this MS.] 20) A translation of the story of the Rechabites from Greek into Syriac, as narrated by Zosimus, the original of which was written in Hebrew. 21) A translation of the Octoëchus of Clement, a copy of which is at the Library of our Monastery of St. Mark, MS 135. In it is mentioned that it was translated in 678 A. D. [William Wright mentions the Octoëchus as that of Severus of Antioch. It was translated by Paul of Tella. See Wright, 135, 149.Tr] 22) A treatise on the dispensation of the Lord Christ supported by the Prophets, the Apostles, and teachers. After stating their sayings, he provided a synopsis of the biography of each of them. 23) A treatise he sent to the presbyter Tuma on the Exposition of the Holy Eucharist among the Syrians from the time of the Apostles down to his own time It was mentioned by Bar Salibi in his Commentary on the Holy Eucharist. Assemani incorporated it in his Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1: 479-486. 24) A treatise on the Holy Chrism incorporated in the homilies of the fathers for the whole year. 25) A fine copy of the Order of Funerals at the Library of St Mark in Jerusalem, MS 120, and a treatise on funerals. It begins, “Burial of the dead, emended recently and accurately by Mar Jacob of Edessa.” More than any other, this book is characterized by its orderly arrangement. The order is preceded by hymns and followed by readings from the Scriptures, followed by husoyos (supplicatory prayers) and numerous elegies and prayers for all ranks of the clergy and lay people. It was copied in the twelfth century. 26) A revision of the translation of the Ma’nithe (Hymns) of Mar Severus of Antioch made by Paul, bishop of Edessa, when he was in Cyprus. The oldest copy of these hymns is at the Library of our Monastery of St. Mark, MS 60,copied by the priest Taban for his son the deacon Saliba in 1210 A. D. 27) He translated from Greek into Syriac a collection of canons of the ecumenical and local councils which convened in ancient times. A copy of these canons written on vellum is at the Library of the Za’faran Monastery, MSS 20 and 21. They were most likely written in his own hand, because they end with his own canons and replies to the questions addressed to him by some of his contemporaries. 28) Bar Hebraeus mentioned that Mar Jacob had translated the writings of the theologian Gregory Nazianzen. William Wright and Anton Baumstark, however, maintain that Bar Hebraeus was mistaken and that there is no evidence to support his statement. [Wright, 149; Baumstark, 252. Tr.] 29) Jacob composed metrical odes and several mymre and madrashe (metrical hymns and discourses), some of which bear his name, designed for the Passion Week. He also composed ten treatises on Palm Sunday. 30) Jacob wrote the biography of Yuhanna (John), bishop of Tella. Mar Jacob composed many writings other than those already mentioned, in the form of correspondence. We have already mentioned his letters to Paul of Antioch and to George, bishop of Sarug. Other letters were addressed to the priest Addai on the order of baptism and the consecration of water, to the deacon Barhadhbshabbo on a criticism of the Council of Chalcedon, to Yuhanna the stylite of the Monastery of Litarba (Atharib) near Aleppo, to Eustathius of Dara, to Chrisona of Dara, to the priest Ibrahim, to the deacon Jirjis, and to Tuma the sculptor.This famous bishop (Jacob of Edessa) composed prose memre (homilies, discourses), only a few of which have come down to us. Some of these memre treat the Holy Eucharist and the use of unleavened bread. In others he criticizes those who maintain the doctrine of the Two Natures and those who violate church canons. His metrical hymns are very few. One of them treats the Trinity and the Incarnation; another which treats faith is attributed to him but actually belongs to Jacob of Sarug. The writings of Jacob of Edessa are preserved in manuscripts scattered over famous libraries. [Quite often Jacob of Edessa is confused with other Syrian fathers of his namesake On the cover of Jacob of Edessa’s Scholia On Passages Of The Old Testament, translated into English by George Phillips (London, 1864), the cataloger of the University of Pennsylvania Library wrote, “Jacob Barda’ya, bishop of Edessa.” Evidently he confused Jacob of Edessa with Jacob Baradaeus, who in 544 was consecrated at Constantinople as metropolitan of Edessa and Asia by Patriarch Theodosius of Alexandria. Tr.] Bibliography The sources we used are as follows: 1) The Chronicle of Mar Michael Rabo, a thick Garsuni MS 210 (Arabic written in Syriac script) at the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark in Jerusalem; 1) The Chronography of Bar Hebraeus, MS 211 at the Library of the Monastery of St. Mark; 1) Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, 1: 476-494; 1) a short biography of Mar Jacob of Edessa by the monk (later bishop) Yuhanna Dolabani; 1) Rubens Duval, Histoire des Syriaque Litterature (Paris, 1907), 374; [For an Arabic translation of this book see Rubens Duval, Tarikh al-Adab al-Suryani, trans. Rev. Louis Qassab (Syrian Catholic Metropolitan Publications: Baghdad, 1992.. Tr.] 2) William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature (Cambridge, 1894), 141-154; 7) Anton Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922); The Encyclopedia Britannica, 15: (1911): 113-114; an article on Syriac literature by Theodor Nöldeke (Leipzig, 1906). Other sources are those of Jurji Zaydan, Tarikh al-Tamaddun al-Islami; al-Zayyat, Tarikh al-Adab al-Arabi; Isma’il Mudhhir, Tarikh al-Fikr al-Arabi; Cardahi, Kitab al-Manahij; Ahmad Amin, Fajr al-Islam; Addai Scher, Tarikh Chaldo wa Athur, Volume 2; Bishop Yusuf al-Dibs, Tarikh Suriyya; and Ibn al-Ibri (Bar Hebraeus), Tarikh Mukhtasar al-Duwal. We have mentioned these sources in the margins. The Syrian School of Edessa [This is the significant lecture Metropolitan Aphram Barsoum delivered at the annual homecoming of the School of Homs on July 26, 1929. He opened the lecture by welcoming in French His Highness the Administrative Commissioner and Army General. We are publishing this lecture to thank His Grace for his minute investigation of Syriac history and literature. Editor of al- Hikma.] Al-Ruha (Orhoi in Syriac, and Edessa in Greek) is one of the most ancient and glorious cities of the East. It has the most comprehensive history and grandeur of the great Syrian nation in the past, albeit weak at present. It is the first city that hastened to accept the Christian message, and without doubt, considered the most magnificent city in Aramaic history. Edessa was the capital of the kingdom of the Abgarite kings, who ruled for four centuries. This kingdom was established in 132 B. C. by the Syrian King Ario II (Ario means ‘lion’ in Syriac) and ended in 244 A.D., in the time of Abgar XI, having lasted for 376 years. It is said that Ibrahim al-Khalil (Patriarch Abraham of the Old Testament) camped in it. There is still a water fountain within its confines called The Fountain of the Merciful Edessa’s Aramaic language was the classical Syriac, sometimes called Edessan Syriac. We believe that its inhabitants adopted Christianity in the first century, although some Orientalists say it was in the second century. Churches and monasteries spread throughout it and in the mountain overlooking it, which came to be known as Toro Qadisho (the Holy Mountain). According to the anonymous Edessan chronicler, in the time of the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius II (d. 450) in the second half of the fifth century, the monks of this mountain numbered 90,000. In his Chronicle, Patriarch Michael Rabo mentioned the names of fifteen churches in Edessa which were ruined in the time of the Arabs before the twelfth century. One of these churches, Hagia Sophia, was of utmost splendor. In my own history I mentioned the names of 120 metropolitans and bishops of the See of Edessa, which shows the growth of Christianity and Syriac culture in this city. Most of all, Edessa became famous for its school, and I would like to address the audience with its history. I would like to begin with St. Ephraim of Nisibin, a shining moon which appeared in the firmament of the Syrian nation in the fourth century A.D., also described as the Sun of the Syrians. He was famous for his knowledge, purity, and good character. He taught at the School of Nisibin for more than thirty years until it was captured by the Persians. He and the staff moved to Edessa in 363 and established a school surpassing that of Nisibin. St. Ephraim was the center of this blessed movement and the pivot of its activity. At the School of Edessa were taught many disciplines of knowledge, including theology, philosophy, the Scriptures, philology, and literature in both Syriac and Greek. The citizens of Edessa supported the school, and as a result students flocked to it from the farthest corners of the East. Most of the students, however, came from Beth Nahrin (Mesopotomia), a region dense with cities, towns and villages, most of which today are sadly in ruins. After 136 years of active operation, the School of Edessa was closed in 489 A.D. by the order of Emperor Zeno (474-475, 476-491) to avoid doctrinal disputes. The school graduated learned men in theology and philosophy whose writings immensely benefitted Christianity and mankind. In addition to St. Ephraim, the wonderful teacher of the church, who expounded the Holy Scripture in classical Syriac and composed 12,000 metrical hymns, we may mention his pupils, the most famous of whom were Aba, who interpreted the Holy Gospel; Simon, who is said to have written the biography of his master; Apolona, who composed church hymns and refuted Marcion and other heresiarchs; Zenobius, who refuted Marcion; St. Ephraim’s nephew Absmayya (slave of heaven), who composed metrical odes on the Huns’ attack of the Byzantines’ land; and Isaac of Amid, a pupil of Zenobius, who composed metrical odes on penance, the Virgin and martyrs. At that time (the fifth century) schism rocked the school. Some students adopted the controversial theological teachings of the Syrian Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople. The students were divided into two groups, one supporting Nestorius, the other against him retaining their orthodox faith. Among those who adopted the teaching of Nestorius were Hiba (Ibas), metropolitan of Edessa, who played a great role at that time (he was well versed in Syriac and Greek and produced translated works, discourses, and spiritual hymns); Accacius, Catholicos of Ctesiphon; Barsauma, metropolitan of Nisibin, whose actions history condemns; Ma’na, bishop of Ardashir; Yuhanna, bishop of Kirkuk; Paul, bishop of Karkh Ledan; Ibrahim, bishop of Madi; and Mikha, bishop of Lashum. Some of them made translations form the Greek into Syriac. The most famous of them was the priest Narsai, who, together with Barsauma, established the famous School of Nisibin, which survived more than three centauries. Narsai taught ar this school for more than forty years and produced excellent writings. The students who maintained the doctrine of the church included Saint Philoxenus (Syriac Akhsnoyo, stranger), metropolitan of Mabug (d. 523). He was learned, a master of the Syriac language, and penned excellent books on asceticism and theology. To the Syrians, he was the martyr of the faith. In addition there were Philoxenus’s brother Addai; Phapha, bishop of Beth Laphat; Bahadhbshabba of Qardu; and Benjamin the Aramean, and hundreds of lay students whose name are not known to us. In his book Histoire Politique, Religieuse, Littéraire d’Edessa (Paris, 1890), 161, Rubens Duval says t he School of Edessa concentrated on Greek studies, then considered a branch of theology. He further says that in this (the fourth) century, the writings of Eusebius of Caesarea were translated into Syriac. The English Orientalist William Wright rightly observed that most ancient manuscripts are Syriac of Edessan origin. MSS 411 at the British Museum contains the discourses of Recognitions attributed to St. Clement; the discourses of Titus, bishop of Bostra, against the Manicheans and Eusebius’s History of the Martyrs of Palestine. A MS dated 462 A. D., at the Library of Petersburg, contains the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. It appears that these works were translated into Syriac during the lifetime of their authors (Eusebius and Titus), or perhaps shortly after their death. Just imagine, how magnificent was this learning movement and the effort of the learned men of Edessa at that time! [The entire passage about William Wright is actually taken from Duval, 162. Tr.] After it was closed down, the School of Edessa reopened in Nisibin and came to be known as the School of Nisibin, as was said earlier. The School of Edessa existed for one and a quarter centuries and produced men whose light was a guide for people. It is therefore imperative for the Syrian people today to consider these men as guides and endeavor to revive learning institutions, education, culture, and the study of our holy and elegant Syriac language. After all, it was the language of the civilized East and Syria in past generations. They could accomplish this task because we are living in an age when the means of obtaining knowledge are within the reach of those who seek them. May the benevolent God help you in achieving this aim. [Al-Hikma, 3rd. Year (December, 1929), pp. 457-460] The Lectures Delivered by Mar Ignatius Aphram I Barsoum, Syrian Patriarch of Antioch and All the East, at the American University of Beirut on May 1, 2, and 4, 1933. The First Lecture Gentlemen! You all know that our beloved East is the cradle of our Christian religion, the emanation of the light of our faith, and the home of our prophets and apostles. The light first shone in Jerusalem and then spread into Palestine, Syria, Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia), Persia, Rome, Egypt, Anatolia, Rumelia, Greece and Armenia, and other countries. Since its inception, Christianity had many mortal enemies, especially pagans. A group of them battled it by using science and philosophy, and for this reason, the protectors of this religion perceived the need to inject philosophy into it and use scientific terms to express the true essence of things. In doing thus, they deviated from the simplicity of the Gospel in their method of investigation, but not in matters concerning the principles of their faith. What they intended was to reconcile reason with faith or science with religion. Thus they used rational proofs, while still confident in the strength of the Christian truth, which is supported by human reason. Hence came the establishment of the two schools of Alexandria and Antioch. The first adopted the philosophy of Plato, based on symbols; the second, the philosophy of Aristotle based on evidence and logic. The Theological School of Alexandria (180-400 A.D.) We have no idea who founded this school. History says that Pantaneus, a Sicilian priest who had preached the Christian faith in India, returned to Alexandria and became a principal and teacher of the School of Alexandria, which produced the presbyter Clement. Clement was a heathen convert who had studied under different tutors but was not satisfied with their teachings. Finally he found Pantaneus, whom he succeeded in the chair of instruction. Clement was well versed in the Holy Bible and the canonical and apocryphal books. He was also knowledgeable in Greek philosophy and its learned men and poets. Because of the persecution which afflicted Egypt in 202 A. D., Clement went to Caesarea of Cappadocia to strengthen the believers and manage their affairs following the imprisonment of their Bishop Alexandrus. He died between 212 and 215. Clement was succeeded by his pupil the Egyptian Origen, son of Leonides the martyr. Origen reopened the school, whose students had been scattered because of the persecution. He exposed himself to the assaults of fanatic pagans, but urged the students to resist and receive martyrdom. After teaching for twelve years he journeyed to Rome and Palestine, but he returned to Alexandria in 218 or 219. He remained in the city teaching and writing until 230, when he visited other countries and was ordained a presbyter by the bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, who admired him. But his Bishop, Demetrius of Alexandra, suspended him from the priesthood. After spending his life serving the church and enduring agony inflicted by the persecutors, he died forlorn at Tyre in the year 253. Origen was a unique learned man of his time. He was proficient in dialectics, literature, and philosophy. His voluminous works included commentaries on the Scriptures, theology and apologetics. One of his contributions was the collection of six translations of the Holy Bible in one copy, known as the Hexapla. A great number of students studied under him, among them the celebrated Gregory Thaumaturgus, Phermlianus, bishop of Caesarea, and Dionysius of Alexandria. But he presented unfamiliar teachings, which caused the church to condemn him. After Origen, Heraclas and Dionysius of Alexandria succeeded their master, and they both became Bishops of Alexandria. Later Dionysius was succeeded by Theognostus and then by Pierius, the noble ascetic and preacher, who followed in the footsteps of his master .He was called by some ‘the Second Origen’. He lived too long and saw the great persecution. He may have ended his life as a martyr. Dionysius of Alexandria was meek, amiable, and peaceloving. He penned important works, most of which are lost to us, except for fragments mentioned by Eusebius of Caesarea in his Ecclesiastical History. The writings of his successors Theognostus and Pierius are likewise lost to us. Among the famous students and learned men of the School of Alexandria was St. Pamphilius, the martyr of Beirut (309). He was the teacher of Eusebius of Caesarea, the celebrated father of ecclesiastical history In the second half of the fourth century, St. Athanasius entrusted the presidency of the school to the virtuous Didymus the Blind (398). Didymus combined the sciences of theology and philosophy, together with geometry and mathematics. He lived 85 years. Many church learned men studied under him. He was succeeded by Rodon, who transferred the school to Pamphilia when it was shut down after 220 years of active operation. It graduated a select group of church learned men and saints. This school was the pride of Christendom in Alexandria, the city of knowledge and philosophy at that time. The Theological School of Antioch, 290-430. [This part of the first lecture on the School of Antioch was published as an article by the author when he was still a metropolitan, under the title The Theological School of Antioch, al-Hikma, 4, No. 5 (Jerusalem, May, 1930), 258-269. I followed the text of the article, incorporating in it some changes the author made in his lecture.] 1) Foreword Great Antioch, capital of the East and its beautiful bride, was a city famous for its religious and profane history. Because of its advantageous geographical location, the two civilizations of the Greeks and and the Roman converged. The city claimed magnificent theaters, streets, squares, temples, arches, gardens, and cathedrals. Surely those were her golden days and historical glory. Roman soldiers were stationed at Antioch to guard the borders of the empire. Thus, it became the second capital after Rome. The Emperors Galus [perhaps Galerius (305-311], Constans (337-350) and Julian the Apostate (361-363) chose to reside in it in their desire to protect the borders of the empire. In Antioch, too, the Apostles raised the banner of the Holy Gospel, before which fell the banners of Daphne, Apollo and Venus. They proclaimed the sublime principles of Christianity, which annihilated the abominations of paganism. Thus, Antioch became the first center of Christianity and the institute of its prominent religious men, who crowned her with the diadem of glory and adorned her with the precious necklace of dignity. Following is a shining page of the history of the School of Antioch: 2) The Remarkable Scholarly Characteristics of the School of Antioch Beside the characteristics already mentioned, Antioch was a remarkable intellectual center. Its schools, especially the theological department, rivaled those of Athens, Alexandria and Tarsus. Thus, amid the church affairs which happened in Antioch, the hardships that Christianity suffered from paganism and the Arian and Apollinarian controversies, the harsh policy of the emperors against orthodoxy, the intensified activity of the episcopal parties between 330 and 415, and the desperate vigorous action of paganism before it breathed its last, we find a group of clergy distinguished for remarkable intelligence and comprehensive knowledge. They devoted themselves to the study of the Scriptures and its interpretation in their own way, and they wrote books to avert the attacks of opponents. It was this choice group of learned men who established the School of Antioch. [It should be pointed out that the Theological School of Antioch was preceded by a school which taught Greek science, particularly logic. Its principal was the presbyter Malchion, a man of remarkable knowledge, as Eusebius related in his History, Book 7, Chapter 29. See also Duschesne, Early History of the Christian Church, 1: 472.] The School of Antioch was characterized by the literal method of interpreting the Scriptures. Earlier, however, the School of Alexandria had followed the allegorical method of the interpretation of the Scriptures in the time of Clement of Alexandria (d. 211) and Origen, the genius of Christendom (d. 254 or 255).. This method of interpretation came to Christianity from paganism and Judaism. These two learned men, Clement and Origen, exaggerated the allegorical method of interpretation. Origen can be excused because of his noble aim and sublime purpose. His intention was to entice the pagans and Jews to Christianity and to defend the Holy Bible. In Antioch emerged an opposite movement (of the literal, rational interpretation of the Scripture). There is no doubt that at the outset the School of Antioch supported the orthodox faith. Later, however, some distorted teachings found their way into it and caused its quick fall. Contemporary historians divide the history of this school into three periods, as follows: 3) The Period of Establishment (290-370) The establishment of the School of Antioch was ascribed to the presbyters Lucian (Lucius) and Dorotheus. Both were distinguished learned men, well versed in the knowledge of the Holy Bible and the Hebrew language. In his Ecclesiastical History, Book 7, Chapter 32, Eusebius said that he had heard with delight Dorotheus expounding the Scriptures in a correct manner. [Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, trans. Christian Frederick Cruse (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House (1962), 310, said, “Him (Dorotheus) we have heard in the church expounding the Scriptures with great judgment.”] Lucian, it is said, was born in Samosata and received ecclesiastical instruction in Edessa. For his profound learning and writings, some scholars consider him the principal of the School of Antioch; he holds the same position as that of Origen in the School of Alexandria. We read in the letter of Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, to his namesake Alexander, bishop of Constantinople, that Lucian was a loyal disciple and friend of Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch, even after Paul was condemned and removed from his see [The History of Theodoret of Cyrus, Book 1, Chapter 3. This letter is, in fact, a refutation of the heresy of Arius. Alexander said,“ You have been taught of God, cannot be ignorant that the heresy (of Arius) against the religion of the Church which has just arisen, is the same as that propagated by Ebion and Artemas, and that it resembles that of Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch, who was excommunicated by a council of all the bishops. Lucius (Lucian), his successor, remained during three years out of communion with three bishops. See Theodoret, History of the Church From A.D.322 to the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia, A.D. 427, bound together with the History of Evagrius (London, 1854), 21. The name of the translator is not given.Tr.] For this reason the church deprived him of religious communion in the time of the Antiochene Bishops Domnus, Timaeus, and Cyril. Lucian, however, sought the favor of Cyril, who restored him to his episcopal dignity in the church of Antioch. He maintained his position until his martyrdom with his companion, Presbyter Dorotheus, at Nicomedia (Izmid) in the time of Emperor Maximian (286-305, 307-8). He died on January 7, 312, and was buried in Heliniopolis. On his commemoration day he was eulogized by John Chrysostoma at the Church of Antioch in the year 387. St Jerome and Sueda say that Lucian emended the Septuagint and that his version was used by all the churches from Antioch to Constantinople. Some scholars maintain that he corrected the Hexapla [so called because its translation was based on six sources. The first Greek Hexapla was made by Origen]. From his place of imprisonment in Nicomedia, Lucian addressed letters to his disciples, delivered by the hand of his dear pupil Anton of Tarsus. Many pupils studied under Lucian, but only a few are known to us. Most famous of them were Eusebius, tutor of Emepror Julian, later bishop of Nicomedia; Asterius, bishop of Cappadocia, who wrote many commentaries on the Old Testament that have not come down to us; Maris, bishop of Chalcedon (modern Qadi Koy); Theognius, bishop of Nicaea; Leontius, bishop of Antioch; Eunemius, bishop of Cyzicus; Theodorus, bishop of Heraclea; and the Presbyter Arius himself. It is remarkable that the leaders of Arianism and their orthodox opponents associate themselves with this saintly learned man. The Arian historian Philostorgius (d. 425?) added to these Minophant, Numenius, and Anton of Tarsus, already mentioned. By far the most distinguished and certainly the most eloquent of Lucian’s pupils was Eusebius of Homs. Eusebius received literary and religious instruction on the Old Testament at Edessa. He studied under Lucian and later under Eusebius of Caesarea and Patropolis, bishop of Scythopolis. He studied philosophy in Alexandria in the year 332. He became a bishop of Homs and departed this life in 395. Eusebius of Homs was a proficient writer with a smooth style He was also an eloquent orator. Jerome mentioned him in his De Viris Illustribus (Book of Illustrious Men), or Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers (Bethlehem, 392), Chapter 9. He wrote a commentary in ten books on Genesis and St. Paul’s letter to the Galatians. He composed short controversial discourses on the Gospels in refutation of heathens, Jews and Novatians. It is to be regretted that most of his writings were lost to us. Emperor Constantius II (337-361) respected him greatly and quite often took him along in his travels. He also delegated him as his envoy on some errands. If the martyrs Lucian and Dorotheus, along with Eusebius of Homs, are considered pillars of the School of Antioch and its torches during the period of its establishment, so too is St. Eustathius (d. 337) [The date of Eustathius’s death is the subject of controversy among modern scholars. See R. V. Sellers, Eustathius of Antioch And His Place In the Early History Of Christian Doctrine (Cambridge, at the University Press, 1928), 53-56. Tr.], the famous bishop of Antioch who was unjustly deposed by the Arians in 330 and banished to Trajanopolis. He was by no means inferior to them. Other illustrious Antiochene church leaders were Malatius of Antioch (360-381) and Flavian I of Antioch (381-404). Ancient writers praised Eustathius and acknowledged his eminent rank. Jerome called him the Sounding Trumpet against Arius. Theodoret called him Advocate of the Truth. Of his writings we have his book The Spirit of Prophecy, a refutation of Origen and the allegorical interpretation method of the School of Alexandria. [The reference here is probably to Eustathius’s De Engastrimytho contra Origenum and its analysis. See Sellers, Eustathius of Antioch, 75-81. Sellers’ analysis of all the works of Eustathius covers entire Chapter IV, 60-81. Tr.] Fragments of his commentary on a few Biblical passages in refutation of the Arian heresy have come down to us. 4) The Period of Renown (370-430) This period begins with Flavian I, bishop of Antioch, but its achievement should be attributed to Deodore, bishop of Tarsus, and his teachings. Deodore was born (most likely in Tarsus, or, it was said, in Antioch) in the first half of the fourth century. He studied in Tarsus, Athens and Antioch. He also studied under Eusebius of Homs and followed his method. Then he established a school in Antioch, where students of religious learning attended his circle. Meanwhile, he and a friend called Carpetrius added to the school a monastery, which combined learning with asceticism. Deodore exceeded all his companions in the mortification of the flesh to the extent of emaciation. He became overzealous for the Church of Antioch. As the Arian disputes heated up, Deodore repaired to the Great Church in Antioch with Flavian and a group of loyal orthodox companions. Both became the leaders of this small group, which intended to protect the church from the heretical teachings of Aetius (d. 367) and the apostasy of Emperor Julian (d. 363). This was a great undertaking, especially since Deodore and Flavain were still laymen who had not yet assumed an episcopal office. When St. Malatius was banished, Deodore, in recognition of his good deeds, continued to defend the faithful. And when he returned from exile, Malatius ordained him a priest in the year 362. Then he elevated him to the episcopate of Tarsus as a reward for his loyalty, virtue and adherence to the lawful bishops. Deodore attended the Second Ecumenical Council of Constantinople in 381 and was highly favored by the Emperor Theodosius II. The emperor designated him and Palagius, bishop of Laodicea, as authorities of Orthodoxy in the East because of his confidence in their loyalty and steadfastness. Deodore died in 391 or 394. One of his closest friends was Evagrius, the beloved of Jerome. The most famous of his students was St. John Chrysostom (d. 407), the distinguished man of eloquence, author and chief orator of Christendom. Another student was Theodore of Mopsuestia, who came from a wealthy family in Antioch. He was younger than Chrysostom and was his companion in the study of rhetoric under the orator Libanius. Theodore retired to Deodore’s monastery and studied the Scriptures under him. He was ordained a presbyter around 383 and then a bishop of Mopsuestia (Massisa) in Cilicia in 392. He was a faithful friend of Chrysostom during his calamity. He died in 428. Theodore of Mopsuestia wrote commentaries on the Scriptures, some of which contained unfamiliar doctrines. These led learned churchmen to criticize him, although they recognized his excellence in refuting the heresies of Arius and Apollinarius. Theodore also penned many writings on Christian dogma, the most famous of which was his book on the Incarnation. He was a man of broad knowledge, sharp intellect, apposite commentary and deep criticism. Nestorius became immersed in his ocean of knowledge collecting from it silt and pearls. This caused learned men to consider him the founder of the Nestorian heresy. As to Deodore, the renovator of the method of the rational interpretation of the Scriptures at the School of Antioch, he penned many books pertaining to dogma and controversy. He wrote commentaries on the Pentateuch, the Psalms, and the two Books of Kings. Also, he wrote on problems in the two Books of Chronicles, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, The Song of Songs, the Prophecies, the Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, the first Letter of John, and a treatise on the difference between the speculative and the symbolic. Of all these writings, only a few fragments have come down to us. The historian Socrates described Deodore’s method of interpreting the Scriptures by saying, “His method inclines toward the literal rather than the allegorical.” So also said Nicephorus. Deodore used the chronological historical method to a great extent. In his controversial writings he went to the extreme, distinguishing between the divine and the human elements in the Lord Christ. By this method he opened the path of error to his pupil Theodore of Mopsuesta and the Nestorian heresy. This heresy was condemned by St. Cyril of Alexandria, who exposed its fallacies in three treatises. Nothing seemed to redeem him, not even his good fight in defending the orthodox Nicene faith, nor his commendable attacks against Arianism and pagan apostasy. Other than Chrysostom and Theodore of Mopsuestia, those who gained fame in the School of Antioch included Polycronius, bishop of Apamea (Qal’at al-Madiq), a brother of Theodore (410-430) and the renowned Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus (near Aleppo), a student of Theodore of Mopsuestia and follower of his doctrine. Theodoret expounded the Scriptures based on previous commentators. His commentaries, however, lack originality. He penned doctrinal and controversial writings, homilies, letters, and three histories, i.e., a Church History from 322 to 428, A History of Illustrious Monks of the East, and a Compendious History of Heresies completed in 453. He died in 458. Other illustrious men were the monk Isodore of Farama or Pelusium (d. 434), who studied under Chrysostom and abridged his writings, and Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople (428-450), a pupil of Theodore of Mopsuestia. He was the promoter of the heresy which carried his name. 5) The Period of Decline (after the year 430) The Nestorian heresy caused the decline and destruction of the School of Antioch. Its Nestorian students moved to Edessa, where they established a new school. Their adverse teaching got out of control, causing the destruction of the new school. They moved to Nisibin where they established their famous school in 489 A.D. During this period, orthodox learned men attempted to augment the heritage of former Antiochene learned men, but failed because of unfavorable circumstances. Thus, their writings were devoid of depth and originality. They fell short in comprehending the rational meaning of the Scriptures because most of them had no knowledge of Hebrew. Following are the most well-known writers of this period: Anba Marcus, the Egyptian monk (d. 410), who wrote nine treatises on asceticism and doctrine which have come down to us; St. Nilus, the monk of Sinai (390-430), who wrote discourses on Christian and monastic virtues, and about a thousand dogmatic, exegetical and literary treatises; Victor, the Antiochene presbyter who wrote commentaries on the Gospel of Mark and the Prophet Jeremiah; and Cassianus (d. 435), abbot of the Monastery of Victor at Marseilles, who wrote a book on the Incarnation in refutation of Nestorius, all of whom studied under John Chrysostom; Hadrian, the monk-priest (at the beginning of the fifth century) who wrote an introduction to the Scriptures; Proclus (434-446), bishop of Constantinople, who composed twenty-five homilies and a liturgy translated into Syriac; and Basilius, presbyter of Antioch, who was chosen a bishop for Arinopolis (Cilicia) at the end of the fifth century. 6) The Principles and Method of Teaching of the School of Antioch We may deduce from the above that the School of Antioch, or the ecclesiastical and literary academy, was established to counteract the allegorical method of interpretation of the School of Alexandria. The Schools of Alexandria and Antioch developed different philosophical methods, meant to solve the eternal problem of accommodating reason with faith or science with religion. To do this, the School of Alexandria employed the philosophy of Plato, whereas the School of Antioch employed the philosophy of Aristotle. Origen followed Plato, thinking that he could find in the entire Holy Bible tripartite meanings, i.e. literal, psychic and spiritual, but failed. In most cases, he concentrated on the literal interpretation, which kills, and the spiritual, which gives life. His tripartite method turned into a dual one which kept the literal meaning for simple folks and the spiritual for the learned. On the contrary, learned men of the School of Antioch maintained that every verse of the Bible has a literal connotation which can be either real or symbolic. They realized that with a profound knowledge of the Hebrew and Greek languages, comparing Scripture with Scripture, and using philological and historical interpretation, they could fathom the true meaning of parables and metaphors. They attributed to each verse one literal meaning and asked the interpreter to dive deep in order to find the pearls but not the shells, and to detect no contradiction in the Biblical passages. But they did not neglect the allegorical meaning, if need be, as in the case of the homilies of John Chrysostom and the writings of Theodret. The two schools produced famous learned men with massive writings, although the Church could not favor either of them. Whenever the School of Antioch was mentioned, the universal church could not forget Arianism and Nestorianism, which brutally tore it apart. This was the case despite the fact that this school enriched the whole church with its contribution to theology, the Holy Scriptures, and its exposition of the shortcomings of the allegorical method of Origen. Furthermore, the universal church adopted the right method of interpretation, which, if followed by the theologian, will lead him to the true path. The School of Antioch possessed a great excellence in expounding the Scriptures and in inventing the rationalistic method of interpreting the dogma. By this method, it attempted to achieve the understanding of the dogma through rationalistic means. But by following this method, it opened a great door for scientific dialectics and prepared the way for the councils to determine their acts. Thus, it had both good and bad qualities. Its merits have been discussed above. Its bad aspects were its audacity and its deviation from the exemplary pathway of moderation. Indeed, through Theodore of Mopseustia, it went astray, adopting erroneous ideas concerning Redemption, Free Will, Original Sin and Grace. Thus, Theodore’s principles opened the way for later heresies which were condemned by the church. He was the first to proclaim the doctrine of Two Natures and Two Hypostases in the Lord Christ. He further claimed that the union of the Two Natures of Christ was a mere moral one. He also advanced an unfamiliar idea concerning evil and called for a general renewal which one day would encompass all sinners. Finally, like Origen and other like learned men, he taught that punishment in Hell is temporary. 7) Founders of the School of Antioch and Those Associated with it We will close our subject with a table of names of the founders of the school and its learned men. Its two founders were the two martyr presbyters Lucian (d. 312) and St. Theodore (d. 312). Its learned men were: 1) Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia and then Constantinople (d. 341) 2) St. Eustathius, bishop of Antioch (324-337) 3) Mari, bishop of Chalcedon (Qadi Koy), who was still living in 343 4) Theognius, bishop of Nicaea 5) Asterius, bishop of Cappadocia 6) Arius, the notorious heresiarch presbyter (d. 336) 7) Leontius, bishop of Antioch (344-375) 8) Marcelus, bishop of Ancyra (d. 347) 9) Theodore, bishop of Heraclea (d. 355) 10) Eusebius, bishop of Homs (341-359) 11) Eudoxius, bishop of Mar’ash (Gemanicia), then Antioch and Constantinople (d.369) 12) Eunemius, bishop of Cyzicus (361-383) 13) St. Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem (d. 386) [Tixeron says that Cyril belonged to the School of Alexandria rather than the School of Antioch. See Tixeron, History of Dogma, 2: 10.] 14) Malatius, bishop of Antioch (d. 381) 15) Deodore, bishop of Tarsus (d. 391 or 394) 16) Evagrius, bishop of Antioch (388-395) 17) Flavian I, bishop of Antioch (381-404) 18) St. John Chrysostom, bishop of Constantinople (d. 407) 19) Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia (392-428) 20) Polycroninus, bishop of Apmea (410-430) 21) Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople (428-450) 22) Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus (423-458) 23) Anba Marcus, the Egyptian monk (d. 410) 24) Adrian, the monk-priest 25) St. Nilus, monk of Sinai (d. 430) 26) Anba Isodorus of Farama (Pelusium) (d. 434) 27) Proclus, bishop of Constantinople (434-446) 28) Abbot Cassianus (d. 435) 29) Victor, the Antiochene presbyter 30) Basil, bishop of Arinopolis 8) Conclusion This is what I could obtain in my research on the Theological School of Antioch. It is derived from trustworthy historians and writers like Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History; Louis Pierot, Commentary on Theodore of Mopseustia; Tixeron, Compendium of the Patrologia; Pattifol, Greek Literature; Duschesne, Early History of the Christian Church; Armoni, “The School of Antioch” in The Theological Dictionary. In addition, I have utilized information I came upon while reading ecclesiastical histories. I caused such information to be published in al-Hikma periodical. May God, through it, benefit its readers and make it successful. The Impact of Eastern Churches on Culture The Second Lecture [Before moving to the Second Lecture, Barsoum added the following introduction to his article published in al-Majalla al-Partiarchiyya (June, 1933), 89, already mentioned.] Yesterday we mentioned that the School of Antioch was established as a necessary means to combat the allegorical method of interpretation adopted by the School of Alexandria. Let us explain a little about the methods of the two schools, i.e., the literal and the allegorical. The purpose of the two schools was the study of the Holy Bible and its interpretation. The School of Alexandria sought in it three meanings: the literal, the spiritual and the allegorical. This was deep and difficult. The School of Antioch adopted the literal meaning. Whenever possible, however, it plunged deep to seek the allegorical or symbolic meaning according to the different books of the Scriptures. Students of both Schools of Alexandria and Antioch exaggerated the two methods (allegorical and literal) of interpretation, which gave rise to diverse heresies. Moreover, there were many ethnic, linguistic, political and demographic reasons for the appearance of many doctrines in the same church. This resulted in the division of the church into many denominations and patriarchal sees from the middle of the sixth century until the end of the seventh century. Each of these churches developed its own interpretation of the union of the divinity of Christ with his humanity, although all of them agreed on one essential point by recognizing that Christ was a perfect man and God. Such doctrines, however, provoked endless controversies which affected Byzantine policy. As a result, there emerged the Greek (Rum Orthodox), Syrian, Coptic, Abyssinian, Armenian, Maronite, and Chaldean Churches. This brief introduction is sufficient. We shall now move to the specific topic, that is, The Impact of the Eastern Churches on Culture 1) Impact of the Syrian Church on Culture Biblical and theological sciences, which were the fundamental principles of the theological Schools of Alexandria and Antioch, seemed unsatisfying. When Christianity spread, however, some of its men climbed the different steps of learning. Literary and philosophical pursuits became widespread, with the purpose of elucidating the fundamental truths of astronomy, medicine, music, physiology, zoology, botany, grammar, philology, history and other disciplines. Hardly any Christian nation had distinguished writers who had left their mark on world culture. What is most admirable is that most of the scientists were leading Christians, especially those of the upper class, i.e., the episcopate. For the Church of the Lord Christ does not disdain scientific truths. This scientific pursuit had a commendable impact on the culture of the Eastern Churches. Let us begin with the impact of the Syrian Church on culture. We mean by the Syrian Church the Aramaic nations who share a common language, whether of Eastern or Western dialects. The Syrians lived in Palestine, Syria and Lebanon, Beth Nahrin (Mesopotamia), Persia and Arabia. Through time and political, doctrinal and even local circumstances, the Aramaic nation splintered into Syrians and Chaldeans (Nestorians) and Maronites, and as of late, Syrian Orthodox and Syrian Catholics. [Patriarch Barsoum is incorrect in indicating that, as a splinter of the Aramaic nation, the Syrian Orthodox Church is known by this name in contradistinction to the Roman Catholic group which seceded from it as late as the seventeenth century. As an established church scholar and Patriarch of the Syrian Church of Antioch, he should have been well aware that since the fifth century, especially in the aftermath of the doctrinal division caused by the Council of Chalcedom (451), his own Syrian Church insisted with vigor on being Orthodox (Syriac, Thresai Shubho). As Patriarch of Antioch, he seems to be trying to be diplomatic and not to offend other Syrian Churches, namely the seceding Syrian Catholic Church.] This great church, whose communicants were first to embrace Christianity and offered many martyrs in defense of its faith, was also engaged in the pursuit of different sciences. For twelve centuries, considered to be its golden age, it produced distinguished scholars devoted to the study of the Holy Bible and its translations. They determined with precision its text and its commentaries. Most famous of the Syriac translations of the Bible is the Pshitto (simple), followed by the Septuagint, translated and revised in 615 by Paul of Tella, bishop of Tell Mawzalt in Beth Nahrin. As to the the New Testament, it was collected in one volume, known as the Diatessaron, by the Assyrian, Tatian of Adiabene, pupil of the martyr philosopher Justin. It was translated into Syriac in 217 A.D. This translation is not extant but has survived in Arabic translation. A copy of the four separate Gospels was known by the Syrian church in the year 200 A.D. It is fortunate that an ancient copy of the same, dating back to 411 A.D., is preserved in the British Museum Library. About the year 505 or 508 A.D., the Chorepiscopus Polycarp rendered a literal translation of the books of the Old and New Testaments through the efforts of Mar Philoxenus of Mabug, to whom it was ascribed. It has been lost to us except for a few fragments. In 616, this translation was revised and amended by Tuma (Thomas) of Harkel (Heraclea), bishop of Mabug. In the middle of the sixth century, the Chaldean (Nestorian) Catholicos, Mar Aba, produced a specific translation of the Old Testament from Greek into Syriac. Jacob of Edessa was by far the most distinguished Syrian scholar who adjusted and vowelized the Holy Bible. Following in his footsteps were the monks of the famous Monastery of Qarqafta (the Skull) in Beth Nahrin. 1) Commentaries on the Holy Bible If all the Syriac commentaries on the Bible were preserved intact, they would have filled a whole library. Unfortunately, many of them were lost to us. The first to expound the Scriptures was Ephraim the Syrian of Nisibin (d. 373), of whose commentary only fragments have come down to us. Other commentators were Philoxenus of Mabug (523); Daniel of Salah, metropolitan of Tell Mawzalt, who expounded the Psalms in three volumes in 524, of which one intact copy came down to us; John, abbot of the Monastery of Qinneshrin, who expounded the Song of Songs; Marutha of Takrit (649), who commented on the Bible; Jacob of Edessa (708), who wrote a commentary on the Scripture; George, bishop of the Arab tribes, and Jirjis I, our Patriarch of Antioch (790), who wrote a commentary on the Gospel of Matthew; Li’azar bar Qandasa, who wrote a commentary on the Gospels of Mark and John and some epistles of St. Paul; Moses bar Kifa, bishop of Baremman and Mosul (903), who expounded in several volumes the Two Testaments; and Gregorius Bar Hebraeus (1286), who wrote a commentary on the Bible in his Awsar Roze (Storehouse of Secrets), both of which have survived. Of the Eastern Syrians who interpreted the entire Bible or portions of it, we may mention the Catholicos Dad Yeshu’ (457), Hiba (Ibas), metropolitan of Edessa (457), the famous Narsai (507), Hannana of Adiabene, a teacher of the School of Nisibin, the Patriarch Mar Aba I (540-552), Theodore Marwazi (540), Barhadhbishabba (beginning of the seventh century), Theodore bar Kuni (beginning of the seventh century), and Yeshu’ Dad Mawazi, bishop of Haditha (850), who wrote a commentary on the two Testaments. The contribution of the Syrians to the interpretation of the Bible did not stop at this point; it extended to the translation of the commentaries of the Greek fathers into Syriac. It is rather tedious to cite the commentaries of the Greek fathers because of short space. In fact, we have even abstained from mentioning the apocryphal books which Syrian scholars translated or wrote, since they constitute an endless series. 2) Theology If the Syrian fathers were engaged in the translation of the Holy Bible, it should not seem surprising that they have also concentrated in depth on theology. Among the renowned Western Syrian theologian were Aphrahat the Persian (245), Mar Ephraim the Syrian, Ishaq (Isaac) of Antioch, Jacob of Sarug (521), Philoxenus of Mabug, Jacob of Edessa, Patriarch Qyriaqos (818), Iyawannis of Dara, Moses bar Kifa (903), Yahya ibn ‘Adi, ‘Isa ibn Zur’a, Dionysius bar Salibi, author of the great book on theology, and Bar Hebraeus, who wrote a magnificent volume entitled Mnorath Qudshe (Lamp of the Sanctuaries). The most distinguished Eastern (Chaldean, Nestorian) writers were Narsai, Babai, the eloquent Iliyya III, Abu Halim (1094), and Abd Yeshu’ of Suba (Subawi, 1318). Many of our Syrian scholars translated the most important works of early theologians like Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, and the great theologian-disputant Severus of Antioch, author of many magnificent books. Among the excellent translators were Paul of Callinicus, Paul of Edessa, Athanasius of Balad, and Jacob of Edessa. In addition, Syrian scholars drew up liturgies, as a part of theology, and composed many ritual and prayer books in a plain and appropriate prose and verse style. Others wrote on monasticism, including Philexine of Mabug, author of The Way of the Perfect, Abu Ghalib, metropolitan of Jihan, Mas’ud of Zaz, who wrote The Spiritual Ship (1512), and the Chaldeans (Nestorians) Isaac of Nineveh, Yuhanna (the spiritual elder), and Sahduna. 3) Jurisprudence In the field of jurisprudence, the Syrians used the laws of the Greek (Byzantine) emperors, the canons of the councils and the writings of the fathers as a foundation. They added to them whatever their wisdom and prudence dictated to them. Of these we may mention Jacob of Edessa, Yuhanna of Atharb, Bar Hebraeus (who won the admiration of scholars in our time for his precision and broad knowledge), and ‘Abd Yeshu’ of Suba in his Collection of Canons. 4) History For ten centuries, Syrian scholars were engaged in writing the civil and ecclesiastical history of the church. They began with the life-stories of martyr victims of the persecution of the Roman emperors, Persian kings, and other rulers. To these they added the accounts of ascetics, saints and the founders of monasteries and schools. They distinguished themselves in writing profane and church histories after translating the histories of Eusebius into the Syriac language. Orientalists recognized the contribution of the historians of the Syrian church and the books they penned or translated, which have been preserved to this day. Thank God, many of these works, which constitute about forty thick volumes, have been already published Concerning the writing of history, the Syrian Church stands out more than other Eastern brethren churches. The authors of the life-stories of ascetics and saints were numerous. The most renowned writers of civil and ecclesiastical histories were Yeshu’ the Stylite, author of the Annals; John of Amid, better known as John of Ephesus or Asia (585), named thus after his episcopal see, who wrote an Ecclesiastical History and The Life-Stories of Eastern Saints; Zachariah, known as Rhetor (of Mitylene), who wrote a chronicle in two volumes; the Chaldean (Nestorian) Mshiha Zkha; Jacob of Edessa; the Maronite Theophile, son of Tuma (785), who translated the Iliad into Syriac, which is lost to us; Patriarch Dionysius Tell Mahre; Iliyya bar Shinaya, metropolitan of Nisibin; Mari ibn Sulayman and ‘Amr ibn Matta of Tirhan, both of whom wrote in Arabic; Patriarch Mikha’il Rabo, who wrote a magnificent history, considered the most comprehensive Syriac history, extending from the creation until 1196; the Anonymous Edessan; the most learned Abu al-Faraj the Maphryono; Bar Hebraeus, author of profane and ecclesiastical histories in Syriac and Arabic; Yeshu’ Dnah of Basra, who wrote The Book of Chastity; and Tumas of Marga, who wrote The Book of Governors. 5) Philosophy and Natural Sciences The Syrians’ translation of Greek philosophy into their Aramaic language is a known fact. It is recognized by Western scholars who admired this great service to mankind. More than others, the Syrians had the sagacity to engage in this branch of knowledge. Their social advancement and natural talents helped them to appreciate logical principles, while competing with other faiths prompted them to learn Greek philosophy. Thus, the period which preceded the Arab conquest (seventh century) was an epoch of great contribution of the Syrians to civilization. The Greek philosophy they translated they offered to the Arabs. In turn, the Arabs transmitted it to the West by way of southern Europe (Andalusia), which undoubtedly became the foundation of the present Arab Nahda (Awakening). In this sense, they benefited their language by expanding its precepts, enlarging its dictionaries, and enriching its contents. Thus, Syrian scholars studied philosophy and composed many philosophical books. Most famous of the Syrian writers in this field were the philosopher Bar Daysan of Edessa (222), who wrote The Book of the Law of the Countries, Sergius of R ish ‘Ayna (538), Ahodemeh, metropolitan of Takrit (575), Severus Sabukht, Athanasius of Balad, Jacob of Edessa, Gewargi (George), bishop of the Arab tribes, Theodore Marwazi, Paul the Persian, Moses bar Kifa, Yahya ibn ‘Adi, al-Hasan ibn al-Khamar, Abu Ali ibn Zur’a, Bishr ibn Matta, Abd al-Masih al-Kindi, Jacob of Bartulli, the anonymous author of The Book of the Cause of All Causes (twelfth century), and Bar Hebraeus, author of many magnificent works on philosophy including The Book of the Pupils of the Eyes, The Book of the Speech of Wisdom, The Book of Mercantura Mercanturarum, The Cream of Wisdom, and On the Human Soul, not to mention the translation of the Isagoge of Porphyry and the works of Aristotle, a great portion of which had been translated by Sergius of Rish ‘Ayna. 4) Astronomy The Syrians also treated astronomy. Some of their works have come down to us. Most famous of the writers in this field were Severus Sabukht, bishop of Qinneshrin (665), Gewargi (George), bishop of the Arab tribes (725), Jacob of Edessa, Moses bar Kifa, Emmanuel bar Shahore, Jacob of Bartulli, Bar Hebaeus, who wrote The Ascent of the Mind with astronomical illustrations, and the author who wrote a commentary on the Megistê of Ptolemy. The Syrians who wrote on mathematics were Severus Sabukht of Qinneshrin, author of The Book on the Astrolabe, and Bar Hebraeus, who taught this science at Maragha (Azerbayjan), following the method of Euclid. Furthermore, cosmography and physiology can be found in the commentaries of Jacob of Edessa and Moses bar Kifa, and The Treasures by Jacob of Bartulli. 5) Medicine For ten centuries Syrian scholars composed numerous books on medicine. Of the Western Syrians who wrote about medicine, only forty-five are known to us. Those who flourished among the Eastern Syrians (Chaldeans) were many more in number. We will mention only the most famous of them. They are Sergius of Rish ‘Ayna, Shim’un (Simon) Taybutha, the Patriarch Theodosius, Hunayn ibn Ishaq, Jirjis and his grandson Gabriel of the Bakht Yeshu’ family, Yuhanna (John) ibn Masawayh, Abu al-Faraj of Yabrud, Abu Nasr of Takrit and his brother al-Fadl ibn Jarir, Abu al-Khayr ibn al-Masihi, Abu Sahl ‘Isa ibn Yahya al-Jurjani, Hibat Allah ibn al-Tilmidh, Yahya ibn Sa’id, known as al-Masihi, Gabriel of Edessa, Abu al-Karam Sa’id ibn Tuma, the Syrian Vizier of Baghdad, and the learned Bar Hebareus. All of these were distinguished in the medical sciences. Syrians such as Hunayn ibn Ishaq and Yuhanna ibn Masawayh occupied prominent places in the court of the Abbasid caliphs in Baghdad and among other Arab rulers. Most of them, however, wrote in Arabic or translated into this language Greek medical books such as the book of Galen, translated by Sergius of Rish ‘Ayna. Bar Hebraeus composed The Book of Dioscurides and wrote a commentary on the Medical Questions by Hunayn. 7) Grammar, Philology and Literature The Syrians could have not undertaken these diverse sciences without first perfecting their own language by compiling dictionaries, adjusting its grammatical and philological rules, and adorning it with precise prose and verse styles. The most famous practitioners in this field were Yusuf of Ahwaz, Jacob of Edessa, Anton of Takrit, author of the book on Rhetoric, al-Hasan ibn Bahlul (963), who compiled a dictionary, Iliyya of Nisibin, the grammarian Yuhanna ibn Zu’bi, Jacob of Bartulli, author of the Dialogue in the form of questions and answers, Bar Hebraeus who wrote the Book of the Sparks, and Abd Yeshu’ of Suba, who wrote the anthology entitled The Paradise of Eden. In essence, the Syrians served all the disciplines of human knowledge. We would not be exaggerating if we say that their learned men numbered almost four hundred, and that nothing impeded their cultural endeavors except the many wars and calamities which afflicted their countries in later times, as is well known. However, they did not lack men who followed in the footsteps of their predecessors. Most famous of these men were the Maronite Patriarch Istephan al-Duwayhi (d. 1704) and the erudite Yusuf Sim’an Assemani (1768), that great man who equaled the learned men of the Golden Age by his knowledge and erudition. For his magnificent writings, especially the Bibliotheca Orientalis, utilized by Orientalists and Eastern writers, he is to be considered the pride of the Syrian Maronite denomination. Also there is the erudite Master Butrus al-Bustani, who was a Maronite by origin but a Protestant by denomination (1882). He is one of the pillars of the Arabic Nahda. Butrus is the author of the dictionary Muhit al-Muhit and the remarkable Da’irat al-Ma’arif (Encyclopedia). Among other writers we may mention the Maronite Metropolitan Yusuf al-Dibs (1907), author of the History of Syria, the Maronite Sa’id al-Shartuni, author of the dictionary Aqrab al-Mawarid, the Syrian philologist Yaqub of Qutrubul (1781), author of Zahrat al-Ma’arif, and the renowned Syrian Catholic Metropolitan Yusuf Dawud (1890), who mastered the Syriac language and literature. He translated the Holy Bible into Arabic and adjusted the language of church books. Finally, we should not fail to mention the Catholic Chaldean Metropolitan Tuma Odo (1918), author of the Great Dictionary. With this we close our second lecture. The Third Lecture In the second lecture I related briefly the remarkable impact of the Syrian Church on culture. If I had had the opportunity to expand on the subject, I would have delivered three lectures instead of one. Suffice it to say that the leading men of this church undertook the study of the Scriptures, theology, philosophy, natural science, astronomy, mathematics, medicine, philology, poetry, history and jurisprudence. Fortunately,