THE INDWELLING SPIRIT OF CHRIST AND SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION: THE CASE OF A LATE ANTIQUE SYRIAC CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY : Bernadette McNary-Zak

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Mystics Quarterly
EARLY SYRIAC CHRISTIAN ASCETICISM

While allChristianasceticscultivatedrenunciationofmaterialpossessions

andfixedabode, severanceof familyties,assumptionof thesufferingof Jesus Christ, as well as dietary and sexual restrictions, many cultivated distinctemphases in theirascetic practice.The distinctiveemphasis of asceticbehavior intheSyriacChristiantraditionhas been thesubjectof a considerable body of scholarly study. Several features of this practice shouldbe recalledforthepurposeof thediscussionhere.As an acceptable,

prescribedmode ofreligiousbehavior,thepracticeofasceticismhadbeen

an integraplartofSyriacChristianityfromitsinceptionsincethe”Syriac

New Testament supported an ascetical understanding of the teaching of Jesus.”3There isa significantlinguisticdimensionthatilluminesthiswell.

The Syriac term for the ascetic, ihidaya,

had a rich clusterof associations. Itmeant “single” in the

sense of “unmarried,” or “celibate”; italso meant “single minded,”undividedinheart.But intheSyriacversion

of theNew Testament,Christ is called theIhidaya, the

“only-begotten.” So becoming “single” meant becoming Christlike. This terminology encapsulates a distinctive

spirituality?thatthe singleheartedascetic images the singularity ofChrist.”4

The ascetic spiritualityof these”singleones”was rootedina particular

of theBeatitudesand inthe
interpretation teachings Gospels, particularly

those inLuke 14where Jesus instructs on the requirements of discipleship.5

Such discipleship, “lived out by laymenand women throughvarying degrees of sexual and material renunciation,constitutedthe highest

expression of Christian life.”6 For Aphrahat, the “intention of these ascetic celibateswas publicly toput on thepersona of theIhidaya. . . .Their purpose was to imitate Christ.”7

Within their local Christian communities,male and female ihidaya “formed an ‘informal class of believers’ called theBnay and Bnat Qyama

(Sons and Daughters of theCovenant). By ‘taking a stand’ {aqum) in the ‘singleness'(ihidayuta)ofcelibacyandmind theyassumedatbaptism,

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such ‘covenanters’ were thought to have entered a special relationship

withChrist,and apparentlyservedas exemplarsforothermembers of their

The of and his fellowmembers of the community.”8 practice Aphrahat

bnay qyama was characterized by a specific emphasis on theother-worldly dimension to the practice, on alienation, for the purpose of cultivating a lifeuncontaminatedby thecorruptionandways of theworld.9As we will

see, this emphasis enabled the bnay qyama to interpret their persecution inthecontextofChristiandiscipleship inaway thatwould rendertheir

both and salvific. suffering necessary

APHRAHAT AND THE BNAY QYAMA

Aphrahat was a prominent monastic member of the Syriac-speaking

Christian community in the Persian Empire, and his twenty-three Demonstrations serve as a principle literary source for information about

the organization and practice of this community.10 Aphrahat has been hailed as

the sole surviving representative of a type of Christian

thoughtwhich was essentially Semitic and utterly

independentof both Latin and Greek philosophy.The medium of his thinking, classical Syriac, was far closer

totheJewishAramaic ofBabylon, thanwas theSyriacof later Christian writers,11

This blend of languageand sourcematerial definesa particularliterary status for the Demonstrations. The language of his Demonstrations contains pure and idiomatic Syriac; the content confirms the extensive

use ofTatian’sDiatesseron and theSyriacPeshitta}2 In both language andcontent,thecompositionoftheDemonstrationsexposesa linktothe Judaicfoundationof SyriacChristianityE.xisting sourcesprior to thefifth century,includingamongotherstheChronicleofArbela, theChronicle of Seert, theDemonstrations, and the accounts of themartyrs persecuted

underthereignofShapurII,supportsawide diffusionofChristianitywith ecclesiastical structure and organization throughout thePersian Empire.13

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Under Shapur II “theZoroastrianfaithand Sasanian powerwent hand in

hand.”14A policyofreligioustolerationmaintainedintheearlyportion

of Shapur IPs reignwas halted in337 CE when persecutionagainst the Christian community was implemented. Several factors contributed to this

shiftinpolicy.TheZoroastrianMagi hadsteadilygainedpoliticalinfluence resulting in an increased national fervor and the renewal of tenuous ties

betweenthMeagi andtheChristians.Inthecaseofthispersecution,”king

andclergyjoinedhandsincombinedaction,”althoughShapurIIwas the one who “presented the required sacrifice as a proof of loyalty to crown and

countryp,ersonallyintervenedintheprocedure,and curbedtheunbridled

persecutions

for reasons of state.”15

In 337-338 CE, thePersian attackon Nisibis starteda war with Rome. Shapur II demanded that the costs of war be relieved throughthe

imposition of heavier taxation and that the need for recruits be satisfied. Both were met with reluctanceand passivity by theChristians.The

legalized status of Christianity in theRoman Empire also prompted the view that Christians in the Persian Empire were more disposed toward

Roman emperors. Such a view may have been more thanmere impression. The earlyhistorianSozomen includedinhisEcclesiasticalHistorya letter

from the Emperor Constamene to the previous ruler, Shapur I, claiming thathewould have “a greatand eternallyinscribedkindness” towardthe

Persian ruler if”he should become humane concerning those under him who respected Christian doctrine.”16 Emperor Constantine attested that therewas nothingobjectionable inChristianworship and thathis own

faithinChristhadproducedsucha positiveoutcome:”Writingsuchthings to Shapur, Constantine tried to persuade him to thinkwell of this religion, for he possessed a great solicitude for Christians everywhere, Romans and

foreigners.”17 From the evidence ofAphrahat we know thatConstantine’s

effort to seek solace for these Christians was unwelcome under Shapur II. While ShapurIIwas preparingforwarwithRome, “theRoman emperor

Constantinew,ho consideredhimselfthesovereignofallChristians,had made them(i.e.,theChristiansinthePersianempire)hisprot?g?swithout

theirasking.”18Finally,antipathybymany Jewsmay have contributed

to this situation.”ForAphrahat, alongside practical issues of bolstering faith in a time of persecution, a key concern still seems to be to persuade

Jews that Jesus was the trueMessiah and the Son of God.”19 Shaul Shaked 113

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has described this period as “in many ways themost important of several

turningpoints in Jewishhistory”due to thedevelopmentof rabbinic Judaism and the Babylonian Talmud.20

Aphrahat composedDemonstration VI in 337 CE, a year of intensified

attentiongiven to thepresence of Christianityin thePersian Empire.21 According to Shaked, theChristians “were growing in termsof the

numberof adherents,theywere undergoingpersecutionas a resultof the incursions,theyweremaking intothefabricof therulingZoroastrian

society,and theywere seekingtodefinetheirproperidentityas againstthe Jews and theZoroastrians.”22 Demonstration VI addressed the specific role

of themonks, thebnayqyama,withinAphrahat’sChristiancommunity in the face of these trials. It is likely that he wrote thisDemonstration

in response to a request from a friend who was quite possibly a fellow monk.As with theotherDemonstrations,Aphrahat intendedhiswords for a larger audience and wrote in the hope that theywould be read and

discussed.

DEMONSTRATION VI

Demonstration VI served as “a circular letter intended for thewhole qyama around Aphrahat’s correspondent. The circular letterwas meant to be passed on to the ahe bnay qyama: ‘the fraternity of the Covenant.'”23

It begins,

The words thatI speak are appropriateand fittingto be received.For letus be aroused fromour sleep at thistime

(Rom 13:11) and raiseourheartsalongwith ourhands to heaven towardGod.Maybe all ofa suddentheLord of the housewillcomesothawthenhehascome,hewillfindus

ina stateofwakefulness.24

The tone of the letter is characterized by a dual sense of expediency and

call is to readiness and towatchfulness. Both tone and call reflectthecontextof confrontationf:irstbetween theChristian

urgency; Aphrahat’s
community and its Zoroastrian rulers and second between the Christian

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communityand itsJewishneighbors.Aphrahathad earlier situatedthe

same dual sense of urgency and readiness inDemonstration V, ‘On Wars,” where he discloses concern and anxiety over thewar and confirms the

presence of strong anti-Persian sentiment in the Christian community. Here hewrites,”It isowing totheobstinateprideofPersia thatitsfall is

assured. The armies of Rome will not be defeated by the forces gathered

togetheragainstthem,fortheywillholdthekingdomforHim.Rome is the cause of Jesus, and itwill not fail to conquer.”25 Traces of this attitude are reflected inDemonstration VI where Aphrahat addresses the nature of combat between the crafty,manipulative Adversary and the staunch

Christian belief and practice of “those who are spiritual.” He writes,

All thechildrenoflighthavenofearofhim,seeingthat darknessfleesfromthepresenceof illumination(1 John 2:8). The childrenof theGood [God]arenotafraidof the

Evil One, for [God]has givenhim tobe trampledunder

theirfeet 3:15 ;Ps 91:13 ;Luke When he takes (Gen 10:19).

on the semblance of darkness to them, they themselves become light, and when he creeps up to them like a snake,

theybecome salt (Matt 5:14), somethingthathe cannot eat.26

“Those who are spiritual”are encouraged to resist the temptationsof theAdversary by “liftingtheireyes toHeaven” in response to the call towakefulness.Aphrahat thendescribes thework of theAdversaryby

presentinga seriesof instanceswhere theAdversaryworked througha woman in order to lure a man. He warns, “[Satan] made his incursion on AdambymeansofEve,andinhischildishnesAsdamwasbeguiled(Gen

3.1-7),”27 and so toomust his audience remain awake to the temptation thatsurroundsthem.Episodes fromtheOld Testamentsupplyadditional

examples: with some such as Samson, David, Moses, Solomon and Ahab,

theAdversaryissuccessfulw,hilewithotherssuchasJoseph,Job,and KingAsa, theAdversaryisnot.Successfulenticementresultsinablemish

of some sort that serves as a marker of fallenness.

On one level, theseverses reveal thenatureof theAdversary and the method of temptation; perhaps, on another level, they uncover the nature

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of a Christian community under persecution. The claim thatAphrahat makes regardingtherelationshipbetween theAdversaryand thosewho are spiritual might apply as well to the relationship between persecutors

and thosepersecuted:”Spiritualpeople can see him as he fights,and his weapon hasnopowerovertheirbodies.”28IfAphrahatestablishedthatthe

cause of the Persians is not the cause of Jesus Christ inDemonstration
he definesthecause of thePersians as thecause of theAdversary inthese verses of Demonstration VI.

Aphrahatresolvesanymisdirectionregardingdoctrinalissuesamonghis audience by supplyinga brief statementof theorthodoxview of Jesus Christ,with particularattentiontomanifestationsof theSpiritofChrist.

The Christian is called to “take on the likenessfromour Savior…being hemade himself For theChristianthiscallwasmanifestin

rich, perfect.”29 the vocation to imitate Christ. “When

our Lord came, he went about in our nature,butoutsidehis [true]nature.Let us remaininour [true]condition,

so thaton theday of justice he will make us share inhis condition.”30 Aphrahat explains thatwhen “he came tous, he did not have anything of

ours,nordidwe have anythingofhis, thoughtthetwonaturesbelonged tohimandhisFatherN.owwhenGabrielannouncedtotheblessedMary who gave him birth,theWord setofffromtheheightand came, ‘and

the word became body and dwelt in us.'”31 That is, Jesus Christ became humaninordertoprovidetheChristianwithameans ofreturningtoHim.

Abandonment did not occur after his death on the cross, for “when he went tohisFather,he sentushisSpirit,tellingus, amwithyouuntiltheworld comes toan end’ (Matt28:20). ForChristisseatedat therighthandofhis

Father, and Christ dwells in human beings.”32 In order to provide some paradigmforappropriatingtheparadox thatChrist isonewithHis Father andthatChristdwellsamongmen,Aphrahatmakes analogytotheSun

which is one and yet falls onmany places at the same time; in thisway, too, Christ is not lessened because he is divided among all. He concludes, “IsnotthepowerofGod somuchgreaterseeingthatthesunitselfexists

by thepowerofGod!”33

Aphrahatemphasizes thatJesusChrist isnot lessenedinanyway because he is divided among all. This is illustratedby appeal to an event in the

life ofMoses. “When itwas proving too onerous forMoses to guide the 116

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[Israelite]camp by himself,theLord said tohim: will takea littleof

thespiritthatisupon you, and Iwill give [it]to theseventymen [who are] theeldersof Israel.’ (Num 11:17)When he had takena littleof the

ofMoses and the men had been filledwith Moses did spirit seventy it,

not lackanythingn,orwas his spiritrecognizedas havinghad a little taken from it.”34Likewise, Aphrahat writes, the early prophets received thespiritofChrist”each one of theminsofaras hewas able tobear.”35

ThespiritofChristwasthatsamespiriwtorkingthroughandreceivedby

theHebrew prophets, Elijah, Elisha and John. Through a comparison of

deeds,Aphrahat therebyexplains thatalthoughthespiritwas sharedby all, theRedeemer bequeathedhis spirittoothersfor”manyare thesigns

thatthespiritofChristhas performed[thesame spirit]fromwhich the prophets had received.”36

As David Taylorhas observedof theseteachingsinDemonstrationVI, Aphrahat teachesthat

theWord came down from on high, became a body, and dwelt among us, and on his return toHim who sent him he

tookbackthawthichhehadnotbroughtwithhim,raising us up to sit with him in heaven. Salvation is also often described in terms of conquering Satan, Sheol, and Death

byChrist,and a restorationand perfectionof theoriginal

creation…. Aphrahat’s Christology is orthodox, despite a marked lack of technical Christological terminology.37

Clarification of orthodox Christian doctrine is reflectedfurtherby

Aphrahat throughclarificationof orthodoxChristianpractice.Purity in

withinhis audience. holiness,Aphrahat insists,requiresrightrelationships

He exhorts: “Therefore, my brethren, any man who is a bar qyama…and wants a woman, who is a bat qyama like him, to live with him, in such a

case itisbetterthatheshouldtakeawifeopenlyandnotbeunrestrainedin

lust(1Cor 7:9). Likewise, inthecase ofawoman, itisappropriateforher,

if she is not going to separate from a man who is an ihidaya, to be openly with a husband.”38 Thus, “woman should livewith [another] woman, and a man ought to livewith [another] man.”39 This also applies to those who are married since spouses who live together may resort to their former state

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of union. Aphrahat locates the standard for this arrangement in the life of Moses who “since the time he was consecrated, his wife did not minister to

him;instead,itiswrittenasfollows,4Joshua,sonofNun,was theminister

toMoses fromhis youth [childhood].”’40Likewise,Moses commanded

the priests that “during their period ofministering.. .they should not know

theiwrives.”41 isoffered asfurther forthis Elijah, too, byAphrahat support

standardof celibacy. Itwas onlywhen Elijah fled fromJezebelandwas ministered to by a male disciple that “he was snatched up in a chariot of firetoheaven (2Kings 2:11-12), and thatbecame his abode forever.”42

For theChristian,thestruggleto liverightlyisassumed atbaptismand is rewardedattheresurrectionT.he SpiritofChristisreceivedatbaptism.

ForinthamtomentwhenthepriestsinvoketheSpirit,[the Spirit]opensup theheavens,descendsandhoversover thewater (Gen 1:2),while thosewho arebeingbaptized clothe themselves inher. The Spirit remains distant from

all who are of bodily birthuntil theycome to thebirth

[thatbelongs to thebaptismal]water; only thendo they receive theHoly Spirit.”43

In theirfirstbirthhumanbeings receivedanimal souls; intheirsecond

birthofbaptismtheyreceivedtheHoly Spirit”fromaportionofdivinity and this, too, is immortal.”44 In thisway, the baptized “put on the image of

thatheavenlyAdam.”45By nature,theSpiritisnotalwayswith theperson who receivesitforattimesit”goesandstandsbeforeGod andbeholdshis

face, and against the person who harms the temple inwhich she resides, shewill laycomplaintbeforeGod.”46This activityof theSpiritwas known

byDavid and by Saul: “Andwhenever hewas afflictedby an evil spirit, David would strikeupon the lyre,and theHoly Spirit thatDavid had

receivedwhen hewas anointed(1 Sam 16:3)would come along,and the

evil spirit thatwas consuming Saul would flee away from her presence.”47 At thetimeof theresurrectionthosewho “grieved”fortheSpiritofChrist

willbedifferentiatefdromthosewho”honored”itR.egardingtheformer, Aphrahat instructs that “once he has risen, he remains in his natural state,

naked of the Spirit.” In contrast, those among the latterwill be protected 118

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and “not found to be naked.” Of these, Aphrahat writes, “Christ will thank the body for preserving his Spirit in pure fashion.”48

THE BNAY QYAMA AS MARTYR, MONK, AND MYSTIC

In Demonstration VI, Aphrahat implies that the presence of strong hereticalviews, religiouspersecution,andwar betweenPersia andRome

are the”signs thatour Savior gave” thatwere beginningtobe fulfilled.49 Acceptanceofthecallforimitatiomneantbeingpreparedandwatchful for the coming of JesusChrist, that is, for thevictoryof Christ at the timeof theresurrection. a cosmic to

Aphrahat therebygives
the trials and suffering of the qyama, in general, and of the bnay qyama,

in particular, during this period. He reminds his audience that they are called toembodystaunchwitness to thepresenceof theSpiritofChrist in andagainstcontemporaryheterodoxhumanaffairsU.nitedby thecloakof

baptismtheyarecalled tobe faithfutlotheirpracticeofcontinenceand so tobewakeful and readyforthecomingjudgmentand reward.

Thus, in theirwakefulness and preparedness,themembers of thebnay qyama gave service to the broader Christian community. Among themany

epithets designated for the bnay qyama is “diligent servants.”50 Several of the exhortations inDemonstration VI specify the code of practice that

facilitated this role. Among these are fasting, prayers, visitation of the sick,

purity, and quiet, for “thus it is appropriate for the disciples of Christ to imitate Christ theirMaster.”51 Their response to lead lives of renunciation

and continencewas rooted ina specificunderstandingof relationshipto theworld: “Let us be aliens fromtheworld just as Christwas not of it

(John17:14).”52Such alienationwas an orientationtotheworld ratherthan a separationfromit;thatis,theiradoptionofalienationoccurredinand

intheChristian It is intheirimitationthat throughrelationship community.

themembers of the bnay qyama would have served “an informal role as spiritual instructors of their community.”53 Daniel Caner has written that,

“as spiritual exemplars, their lives were expected to reflect the voluntary poverty and humility of Christ.”54 In this public and visible imitation, the

members of the bnay qyama would have served as witnesses to the call to 119

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discipleship offered to all Christians. To this end, theirmonasticism served bothas “theexpressionundernew conditionsof theoriginalevangelical conceptofChristianitywhich had ruledthelifeof theearlyChurch”55and

the appropriate response to threats against it.

NOTES

1. Waddell, The Desert Fathers, 88. The Apophthegmata Patrum or Sayings of theDesert Fathers and Mothers emerged “from the give and-take of everyday life” in the eremetic and semi-eremetic practice

of lower The Word in the The Egypt (Burton-Christie, Desert, 77).

Sayings are extant in a wide range of collections and languages:

“These words were originally spoken and heard-probably in the Coptic tongue-rather thanwritten and read.. .The intimate relationship

between a master and disciple and, in particular, the request for a

‘word’ of power and salvationon thepart of thedisciple composed

the inwhich the The setting Sayings originated” (Burton-Christie,

Word in theDesert, 77). The majority of theSayings address practical issues pertaining to ascetic life such as statements imparting advice

or guidance about a particular concern, and statements instructing disciples on how tocultivatea specificvirtueor avoid a specificvice

or temptation.

2. It is important to note that I envision a connection between “union

withGod” and”mysticism”andthat,forthepurposeofdiscussion, IhavebeenintentionalinmyuseoftheformerH.ereImakeusof themethodological caution voiced by Andrew Louth who writes,

“It isnot possible tobegin to say anythingaboutmysticismwithout pointingout thattheverydefinitionand connotationof theword are

hotly disputed, and, in the particular case of mysticism in the early Christianperiod,thattheassociationsoftheword inmodernusage

are tobe inthecontextof late That likely highlymisleading antiquity.

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Bernadette McNary-Zak Department ofReligious Studies

Rhodes College

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5.

where theSyriacword fora ‘Single’ (ihidaya) in theLord’s service

may have promptedGreek-speakingChristianstheretobeginusing thetermmonachos todescribea celibateascetic” (Griffith”,Syria,

Syriac,” 877).
Brock, “Early Syrian Asceticism,” 1.

a definitionis said, working

and theword and ‘mysticism’

necessary
itscognateswill be used to referto a relationshipbetweenmen and

women andGod thatischaracterizedas unionwithGod, a union that

isreal,and therefordeoubtlessexperienced,thoughtheemphasisfalls on the reality of the experience, rather than on the experience itself

(Louth,”Mysticism,”208).
3. Bondi, “The Spirituality of Syriac-Speaking Christians,” 155.

4. Harmless,Desert Christians,All. SidneyGriffithas observed that their “distinctive forms of asceticism exercised an influence beyond theconfinesoftheSyriac-speakingterritorieasndevenas farasEgypt,

6. Brown, The Body and Society, 88.

7. “Asceticism in theChurch of 228. Griffith, Syria,”

8. Caner,Wandering,BeggingMonks, 55. SidneyGriffithexplains that “theexpressionbnayqyamamay be understoodtoexpress thestation

inlifetheihidayeassume,by takingtheextrasteptheytakeatbaptism to put on the heavenly Ihidaya.. .It seems to have been not so much a

matter of a spiritual elite.. .or a matter of a church within a church… although neither of these characterizations is false. Rather, the active stance that the ihidaya was expected to take in the community consisted

principally in serving as a type for his own people.. .This was the role of theihidayaas a livingiconofparadise restored.Itdeterminedhis

status within the ecclesial community.” (Griffith, “Asceticism in the Churchof Syria,”233).

9. Literally, the term bnay qyama means “sons of the covenant. Here it is usedinreferencetothebnay(male)andbnat(femalem)embersofthis

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group, the “sons and daughters of the covenant.” For discussion of the term and various renderings of itsmeaning, see Griffith, “Asceticism in theChurch of Syria.”

10. SebastianBrock explains,”Syriac isthelocalAramaic dialectofEdessa [modern Urfa, southeast Turkey] which from about the second century

became theliterarylanguageofAramaic-speakingChristianityinthe Eastern provinces of theRoman Empire and in thePersian Empire

further east” (Brock, “The Oriental Fathers,” 166).

11. Gavin, Aphraates and theJews, 1.

12. On the Syriac language of theDemonstrations see Gavin, Aphraates and theJews, 2. Two manuscripts survive in Syriac. The first contains Demonstrations I-Xaxi? is dated to 473-474 CE; the second contains

Demonstrations XI-XXIII and is dated to the sixth century. Cf. Voobus,

History ofAsceticism, 173.On Aphrahat’s sources seeLheto, “Divine Law, Asceticism, and Gender inAphrahat’s ‘Demonstrations.'”

13. See Voobus,History ofAsceticism, 184-190.

14.McCullough,AShortHistoryofSyriacChristianity,102M.cCullough dates the rule of Shapur II from 309-379 CE (McCullough, Short

History ofSyriacChristianity,116).

15.Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia, 213. For a description of some of the accusations against Christians and their replies, see Shaul Shaked,

Dualism inTransformation, 90-91. A prominent and common feature

of thechargesagainstChristiansisthattheysinagainstthereligionof thekingbynotworshippinga hostofZoroastriandeities.As Shaked

explains, “Royal interference in religious matters is an expression not somuch of interestinreligiounas of interestinholding thepopulace

in tight control…The kings did not hesitate to refer to themselves as coming ‘from the seed of the gods’…The claim of coming ‘from the gods’ is a statement which applies, from theZoroastrian point of view,

with a measure of accuracy, to every human being. We may take it that thekingsapplied thisphrase tothemselvesnot inthispiousZoroastrian

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sensebutas denotingthattheywere on a scale higherthanthatof the restofhumanity,”(Shaked,Dualism inTransformation1,12).

16. Jacobs,Histoire eccl?siastique: Sozomene, 15:2. 17. Jacobs, Histoire eccl?siastique: Sozomene, 15:5. 18.Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia, 202.
19. Taylor, ‘The Syriac Tradition,” 214.

20. Shaked, Dualism in Transformation, 11.

21. Aphrahat composed twenty-threedemonstrations that were intended to stand as a single work. Literary analysis reveals that the

Demonstrations are linkedby an alphabetical acrostic; that is, the first letter of each Demonstration corresponds to a letter in the Syriac alphabet. For discussion of this structure see Owens, The Genesis and

Exodus Citations, 4-5. Demonstrations are also often referred to as discourses, treatises, and homilies.

22. Shaked, Dualism in Transformation, 108.

23.

24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Negundatt, “The Covenanters,” 201. The length ofDemonstration VI providesadditionalsupportforthecase thatitwas intendedtobe read

and not pronounced.
Jacobs, Aphrahat Demonstrations VI, verse 1.

Gavin, Aphraates and theJews, 5.

Valanolickal, Valanolickal, Valanolickal,

“Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” 6:2. “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” 6:3. “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” 6:2.

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^^^^1^
29. Valanolickal,
30. Valanolickal,
31. Valanolickal,
32. Valanolickal,
33. Valanolickal,
34. Valanolickal,
35. Valanolickal,
36. Valanolickal,
37. Taylor,”The SyriacTradition,”214.

6:9. 6:10. 6:10. 6:10. 6:11. 6:12. 6:12. 6:13.

6:4. 6:4. 6:5. 6:5. 6:5. 6:14. 6:14. 6:18. 6:15. 6:16.

38. Valanolickal, 39. Valanolickal, 40. Valanolickal, 41. Valanolickal, 42. Valanolickal, 43. Valanolickal, 44. Valanolickal, 45. Valanolickal, 46. Valanolickal, 47. Valanolickal,

“Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,”

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“Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,” “Aphrahat: Demonstrations,”

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^^^^7 48.

49. 50. 51. 52. 53.

54. 55.

Mystics Quarterly

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^^^^7

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Corpus